The story of the Cleveland Foundation.
This link starts with Chapter 2, “A World-Class Beginning” which offers a history of the Cleveland Foundation
The link is here
www.teachingcleveland.org
The story of the Cleveland Foundation.
This link starts with Chapter 2, “A World-Class Beginning” which offers a history of the Cleveland Foundation
The link is here
From the Encyclopedia of Cleveland History
The link is here
COOLEY, HARRIS REID (18 Oct. 1857-24 Oct. 1936), minister and reform leader, was born to Laura Reid and LATHROP COOLEY† in Royalton, Ohio, graduated with a B.A. from Hiram College in 1877, and with a M.A. from Oberlin College in 1880. Following postgraduate work at Oberlin, he served 1-year pastorates in DISCIPLES OF CHRIST churches in Brunswick and Aurora, Ohio. In 1882, Cooley became pastor of Cedar Ave. Christian Church in Cleveland, retaining that position for 21 years. Among his large congregation was TOM L. JOHNSON†, who became a close friend, especially when Johnson became ill with typhoid fever. They shared ideals in politics and reform, with Cooley being almost alone among the city’s Protestant clergy supporting Johnson’s radical democracy. When Johnson was elected mayor in 1901, he appointed Cooley director of charities and correction, which he held for 10 years. Cooley created the farm colony on 2,000 acres WARRENSVILLE TWP., purchased in 1902 for $350,000, which housed the CLEVELAND WORKHOUSE, the county poorhouse, and a tuberculosis sanatorium. “Cooley Farms” was considered an outstanding example of progressive penology and health care. In 1903, Cooley supervised the opening of the City Farm School, popularly known as the CLEVELAND BOYS’ SCHOOL IN HUDSON, in Hudson, Ohio, which provided a rehabilitative setting where orphaned or incorrigible boys under 14 could be guided by a professional staff. Cooley also served on the City Plan Commission (1915-1934). In 1900, Cooley married Cora Clark, a Hiram College professor and suffragette; they had no children. He died in Cleveland and was buried in WOODLAND CEMETERY.
A Tale of Two Cities by Lincoln Steffens (link to Google Book)
A comparison of two cities, Cleveland and Cincinnati during the Tom L. Johnson era.
Lincoln Steffens was a journalist on the national level who famously called Johnson “the best mayor of the best run city in America.”
(to get rid of yellow marks hit “clear search”)
Article about Newton D. Baker and his strong belief in continuing education for adults
From the Ohio Historical Journal
RAE WAHL ROHFELD Newton D. Baker and the Adult Education Movement In 1921, Newton D. Baker returned from his cabinet position to practice law in Cleveland, Ohio, his adopted hometown. He had completed the mammoth job of organizing the nation to fight a war and, then, of dismantling the bulk of the war machine when the fighting was over. Before going to Washington as Woodrow Wilson’s Secretary of War, Baker had been a progressive Cleveland politician, serving as city solicitor during Tom Johnson’s administration and then as mayor himself. Coming back to Cleveland, he savored his re- turn to private life where he could reenter his profession and work for his favorite causes. Guided by his experience in politics and govern- ment, he decided to make adult education his major civic commit- ment. Through his knowledge, his stature, and his influence, he was able to advance the development of adult education as few other in- dividuals could. The more Baker reflected on his governmental roles, the more the indispensability of education in a democracy became a guiding be- lief. From his Cleveland government experience he reminisced about Tom Johnson’s tent meetings which took place in every part of the city, educating people about the issues of the day on which they would have to make decisions. From his war experience Baker laud- ed a variety of camp educational and recreation programs, especially the amazing American Expeditionary Force University. The latter be- came a symbol to him of the general population’s thirst for education. During his years as a citizen-educator, Baker frequently referred to the AEF University as evidence of the desire of adults for further ed- ucation. In a sense, this university provided him his first opportunity to lend his power and influence to the development of an adult ed-
120 OHIO HISTORY ucation institution. The Army established the AEF University at Beaune, France, in early 1919 to begin the resumption of an interrupt- ed education for some of the two million soldiers who were in Europe waiting for transport home. Its short life lasted for three months-the spring term of 1919. At its high point, the AEF University had thir- teen colleges and almost ten thousand soldier-students. Instructors came from the Army as well as from the homefront; many had taught in the nation’s major universities and colleges during peacetime.1 Aft- er examining the University’s physical plan and courses of study, Baker wrote the superintendent: I find myself even further amazed than I was when I visited the University. The completeness of the work is, of course, apparent…. The big idea, however, is the university itself and I find my mind dwelling with delighted interest on what seems to me its permanent influence and value.2 Indeed, part of that “permanent influence” seemed evident to Baker some ten years later when, after describing the AEF University, he said, “Since that time the demand for education in the United States has been so great that all the resources of the nation can scarcely suf- fice to meet it.”3 Many of Baker’s later efforts to expand adult education succeeded because of help he received through two associates from his Wash- ington years, Frederick P. Keppel and Raymond B. Fosdick, who re- mained friends and colleagues throughout his life. Fosdick was a New York attorney, active in Democratic politics, who had repre- sented the Secretary of War on the Mexican border where he im- proved moral and health conditions at the camps established during General Pershing’s expedition there. Baker then appointed Fosdick Chairman of the Commission on Training Camp Activities during World War I. In that role Fosdick’s successful efforts to involve the YMCA, the Red Cross, the American Library Association, and oth- er organizations in providing social, recreational, and educational op- portunities led Baker to reflect that, “Your contribution to America’s part in it all (the war) deserves to be ranked next after that of Wilson and Pershing….”4 1. John Erskine, Memory of Certain Persons (Philadelphia, 1947), Chapter 32, “Beune,” 311-37. 2. Baker to Col. Ira L. Reeves, 27 April 1919, American Expeditionary Force Univer- sity Papers, Box 352, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 3. Newton D. Baker, “As A Bystander Sees It: Some Aspects of Adult Education,” Journal of Adult Education, 1 (October, 1929), 366. 4. Baker to Raymond B. Fosdick, 20 December 1924, Newton D. Baker Papers, Con- tainer 99, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
Newton D. Baker 121 Fosdick returned to New York to practice law, and in 1921 became a trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation and the General Education Board. In that role he was able to provide consultation concerning funding and other elements relating to Baker’s civic concerns. Also playing an influential role was Frederick Keppel, who had served as Baker’s Assistant Secretary of War. In 1923, Keppel became Executive Director of the Carnegie Corporation, and he placed adult education prominently on the Corporation’s agenda. Cleveland Col- lege and Cleveland’s Adult Education Association, through Baker’s efforts, were for years to benefit significantly from Carnegie Corpora- tion grants. Baker’s long-standing interest in adult education developed into a heavy personal involvement by 1924. That year saw a change in his priorities from fighting for United States entry into the League of Nations to building new educational institutions. The Democratic party’s failure to adopt a strong, pro-League platform plank and the subsequent Republican victory finally convinced him that the coun- try was unwilling to commit itself to the League. Through education, Americans might develop an interest and belief in participation in such an international body. In turning his energies to adult education, Baker joined a move- ment that was expanding during the mid-twenties. Many of the ex- isting institutions and programs of adult education had been estab- lished in earlier waves of interest. Existing as foundations for the future development of adult higher education were the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle and the Chautauqua summer schools established during the 1870s and 1880s, and university extension programs, particularly those inaugurated at the University of Wiscon- sin in 1891 and at the University of Chicago in 1892. The move of pop- ulation to the cities, which resulted in an urban majority in the Unit- ed States by 1920, stimulated a spurt in the growth of extension programs and evening colleges during the twenties.5 For example, City College of New York opened evening courses in 1909 with 201 students; by 1924 it had 8,000 evening students. Buffalo opened eve- ning classes in 1923 with 150 more students than anticipated.6 During the decade, local adult education coordinating councils also began
5. Malcolm S. Knowles, The Adult Education Movement in the United States (New York, 1962) 35-38, 46-50. 83-90. 6. George Zook, Chairman of Survey Commission, Survey of Higher Education in Cleveland (Cleveland, The Cleveland Foundation, 1925), 432-36.
122 OHIO HISTORY to develop, and Cleveland’s Adult Education Association is often thought to have been the first of these. Further, when the Carnegie Corporation added adult education to its list of activities in 1923, it sponsored a series of regional meetings which led to the formation of the American Association for Adult Education in 1926. The Carnegie Corporation channeled many grants through this organization during the next 15 years.7 As Baker joined this wave of expansion, his activities on behalf of adult education ranged from policy formulation and fund-raising, typ- ical of a board member, to direct involvement in teaching. A review of his activities reveals five roles he played in advancing the cause of adult education: organizational development, promotion, finance, program development, annd instruction. The first three were certain- ly responsibilities of the leadership positions he held; the last two re- sulted from his personal commitments, concerns, and causes. Baker’s opportunity to build a major new adult education institu- tion came a few years after his return to Cleveland. The Board of Trustees of Western Reserve University counted Baker a member from 1916, but he was not able to attend meetings regularly until he returned to Cleveland in 1921. In 1924, officials of Western Reserve University and neighboring Case School of Applied Science asked the Cleveland Foundation to study the area’s needs for higher ed- ucation, the extent to which the two schools were meeting those needs, the extent of necessary supplements, and the nature of a per- manent, cooperative organization which could provide expanded educational opportunities. The Foundation had been conducting a series of community-wide surveys to prepare for spending income from the “great accumulations of funds” it was directed to adminis- ter. It agreed to carry out the higher education survey and obtained from the U.S. Commissioner of Education the services of George Zook who served as the local Commission Chairman. The results of the survey indicated that Cleveland, a major business and industrial center, was behind comparable cities, such as Philadelphia and Pittsburgh, in the educational opportunities available to its people.8 The report offered a number of recommendations, including the es- tablishment of a collegiate-level evening program. Discussions and ne- gotiations occurred among several educational institutions, and Bak- er, as President of the Western Reserve University Trustees, played a 7. Knowles, 94-95, 177. 8. Zook, Introduction, 44.
While Cleveland College was in the process of birth, Cleve- land’s adult educators from schools, voluntary agencies, libraries, churches and other groups had been meeting to share ideas and re- sources. In 1925, they formed the Cleveland Forum Council which, the following year, became the Education Extension Council; by 1927 the Adult Education Association was formed as the Council’s successor. Baker served as president of this association in 1928 and 1929 and took an active role in its growth and activities. National or- ganizers also looked to him, and when a group seeking a national or- ganization met in Cleveland in 1925, Baker was an active participant. The conference created a framework for the American Association of Adult Education, which was officially founded the following year in Chicago. 11 Baker’s active role in Cleveland’s adult education institutions and his national contacts led him to national and international recognition in the adult education movement. In the spring of 1929, Keppel wrote Baker, “There’s great excitement in these parts about the possibility of getting you to go to the World Conference on Adult Education in Cambridge next August.” Baker did indeed attend the conference and gave an address, published later in the Journal of Adult Educa- tion under the title, “As a Bystander Sees It: Some Aspects of Adult Education.” He spoke about the importance of adult education to civilization and of the demand for education coming from the people, citing again the experience with American soldiers in Europe, and the creation of the American Expeditionary Force University. Morse Cartwright, Director of the American Association for Adult Educa- tion, wrote Baker after the conference: I can’t begin to tell you how much pleasure you gave us all by your atten- dance of the Cambridge conference. To me, your address was the high point of the conference and in itself justified the presence of the American official delegation.12 The following spring the members of the AAAE elected Baker presi-
11. Letters, minutes, and reports pertaining to organizational efforts on behalf of adult education are located in the Baker Papers, Containers 17, 60, and 91. The Cleveland Adult Education Associations’ “Six Year Report,” written in 1931, reviews the changes in the name of the organization (Container 60). It refers to an “Open Forum Speakers Bureau” which is apparently the same group that is labeled the “Cleveland Forum Council” in a report prepared in 1926 (Container 91). 12. Keppel to Baker, 4 April 1929, Baker Papers, Container 138. Baker, “A Bystander Sees It,” 366. Cartwright to Baker, 30 September 1929, Baker Papers, Container 20.
Newton D. Baker 125 dent for 1930-1931. Professional educators saw Baker’s name and prestige alone as major assets. Cartwright assured him: The duties of the position will not be onerous, but your sponsorship of the adult education movement in accepting this position, we believe, will be ef- fective and worthwhile. Baker apparently could have served another term, but Cartwright re- ported that he “refused a proffer of re-election . . . because of his ac- ceptance of the office of Trustee of the Carnegie Corporation of New York where, he said, he could be of even greater service to adult ed- ucation.”13 Funding adult education was always a major concern, and Baker used his considerable influence in fund raising for several adult edu- cation efforts, but particularly for Cleveland College. His initial task was to help raise the money necessary to open the College. Contacts with other evening colleges had convinced Cleveland leaders that the College would be self-supporting in three to six years (an incor- rect forecast, as it turned out). Until self-sufficiency occurred, the or- ganizers needed guarantors to cover costs which student fees would not meet. They set a goal of obtaining one hundred people to guaran- tee up to $500 each for three years. Many of the individuals ap- proached were friends and colleagues of Baker. Baker wrote a letter requesting guarantees from them which accompanied a statement prepared by the acting dean concerning the plans and purposes of the College. The College obtained seventy-two guarantors for the first year, but in 1927 the trustees decided to try to reach a total of 100 to 150. Baker chaired the Trustees’ Committee on Guarantors and joined the other trustees in writing to people on the list whom he knew well.14 In the meantime, Baker also sought a major gift from Ellen B. Scripps, for whose family he provided legal services. Miss Scripps’ main interest was Scripps College in California, but she provided an early donation of $25,000 in securities; this was the amount required by the State of Ohio to start a degree-granting institution and made the initial organization of the College possible.15 If fund raising was demanding in the twenties, it was even more pressing after the financial crash in 1929. Enrollments fell more than 13. Cartwright to Baker, 19 May 1930, Baker Papers, Container 20. “Newton Diehl Baker” (obituary), Journal of Adult Education, 10 (January, 1938), 108-09. 14. Corporate Records, 12 April 1927, 55; 13 April 1928, 63. 15. Corporate Records, 30 November 1925, 32.
126 OHIO HISTORY 50 percent between fall, 1929, and fall, 1930. Because Cleveland Col- lege was a college of Western Reserve University, the University had helped to underwrite some of the expenses; but the University was also hard-hit by the depression, and both institutions were seeking funds. In 1932, Baker led a major effort to save Cleveland College fi- nancially because, as he wrote to one associate, “Cleveland College is my baby.” To another he wrote, “I am a trustee of Cleveland College and, in a certain sense, the one person responsible for its organization and maintenance.”16 Many other activities were set aside to focus on keeping Cleveland College afloat. The Carnegie Corporation promised a grant for $50,000 if the Col- lege could raise the remainder of the funds to cover its deficit of $180,000. The Board hired a public relations firm to help, and by June 1932 it had raised almost $146,000.17 The following winter more turmoil occurred when the Guardian Trust Bank failed with $32,000 of Cleveland College money in it. Fortunately, Mrs. Blossom, one of the benefactors, had not yet paid the second half of her annual con- tribution, and she was able to obtain $5,000 which paid 40 percent of the March salaries; a “life-saver,” Baker called it.18 Frequently, Baker would urge that the College move ahead with some plan for which funds were uncertain, stating that he would guarantee the amount. Often he found the money among donors or foundations, but a College summary shows that his own giving over ten years was $22,115, with the largest amounts provided in 1931-1932 and 1933-1934. In one case, he raised money to renovate the auditori- um so that the foreign policy lecturer could teach his students in a proper environment. In another case, he offered to pay $2,500 toward the College’s rent so that an anticipated surplus in 1937 could go to- ward improving faculty salaries.19 Baker might well have limited himself to the organizational, pro- motional, and financial issues of Cleveland adult education agencies and kept busy enough. However, he had a strong interest in the pro- 16. Baker to Robert M. Lester, 4 December 1931, Baker Papers, Container 68. Baker to Robert Scripps, 5 June 1933, Baker Papers, Container 69. 17. Notes, 1932 and 1933, Baker Papers, Container 66. 18. Baker to Ellis, 16 March 1933, Cleveland College, Baker File, Case Western Re- serve University Archives, Cleveland, Ohio. 19. Baker to Sidney S. Wilson (University Treasurer), 6 August 1931, Baker Papers, Container 65. Baker to Wilson, 12 September 1933, Baker Papers, Container 66. Notes on conversations with Baker by Western Reserve University President Leutner, Octo- ber through December, 1937, and “Contributions of Newton D. Baker to Western Re- serve University,” Office files of Pres. W. G. Leutner, 1DB8 #3, Case Western Reserve University Archives.
Newton D. Baker 127 grams themselves. As a trustee of Cleveland College, Baker had defi- nite ideas about the curriculum. He took the opportunity to reply to a questionnaire which Director A. Caswell Ellis sent to business lead- ers in September 1926 regarding their employees’ needs for higher education and the areas of priority for instruction. Baker responded: My own interest in Cleveland College centers around courses in English. I re- sent the fact that in England students are taught to read, write and speak better English than they are in the United States and as I regard that gift or faculty the very ultimate foundation of all culture, I am particularly anxious to have Cleveland College give increasingly effective courses in it.20 The following year, the trustees of Cleveland College voted Baker chairman of a committee of three to confer with officers of the local American Institute of Banking about the possibility of having the College take over courses offered by the Institute. Ellis viewed this as a significant step toward establishing a great School of Business Administration.21 Baker and Ellis also viewed the banking program as an opportunity to work on a major concern of adult educators- defining the nature of special curricula for adults. Baker’s special curriculum interests lay in the area of public affairs, and he suggested several programs to Ellis. In one letter, he won- dered whether the College could give a course of instruction for parole and probation officers. There was no part of the field of crim- inal law, he said, “in which it is so important to have trained and intelligent operatives.” He saw the job as “extremely delicate, requir- ing knowledge of psychology and human relations. …” This train- ing, plus a police school which he discussed with Ellis several days before, seemed important in order to provide trained people “for the tasks upon which our social welfare specially depends.” Baker also passed on to Ellis a suggestion from a colleague that a military training unit be established at Cleveland College. He recommended that, “since we have no athletics in our Cleveland College work, it seems to me it might be wise to offer them this opportunity if the schedule can be worked out.”22 Baker was especially knowledgeable about foreign relations and gave such programs personal attention. The Foreign Affairs Council of Cleveland was, for several years, affiliated with the Adult Education Association, of which Baker was president. (The Adult Education Association was, in turn, affiliated with Cleveland College for a time.) 20. Baker to Ellis, 14 September 1926, Baker Papers, Container 65. 21. Corporate Records, 9 March 1927, 49. 22. Baker to Ellis, 22 June 1929 and 20 July 1929, Baker Papers, Container 66.
128 OHIO HISTORY Each year the Council sponsored an Institute on Foreign Affairs to which Baker gave direct assistance. He commented on program plans, participated on the program, suggested other speakers, and often contacted them. He frequently saw these events as furthering foreign policy goals in which he was interested. In one letter to a prospective speaker for an Institute on Anglo-American relations, he wrote: The whole scheme of this Institute is mine and I got up in order that we might have a sympathetic discussion of Anglo-American relations at a time when the Naval Conference is about to meet in London and when the World Court project is about to be decided in this country.23 Here was a clear example of the impact he thought adult education could have on public decision making. The real test of any program is its presentation, and Baker was a lecturer in great demand. In response to his frequent invitations to speak, he established two rules by which he guided himself. First, he stated that he rarely gave advance acceptances due to the de- mands of his law practice. On occasions when he did accept, he cau- tioned the hosts about the possibility of cancellation. Second, he accepted no fees for speaking, but if the host institution insisted on paying, he contributed the money to a favorite cause, usually to Cleveland College. Despite his limited time for speaking, he generally did participate in meetings he thought important. He almost always had a spot on the program of the Cleveland Institute of Foreign Rela- tions, and he spoke at other adult education events as well. In 1934, he gave several lectures, including the opening presentation, in a Cleveland College course on “Current International Problems.” He worked with the staff in the development of the bibliographies for the sessions and attracted 800 people to the opening programs.24 The course seemed rewarding for both presenter and audience. Baker’s involvement in teaching went beyond the lecture hall to other media. He appreciated the value of radio in education and served as a member of the National Advisory Council on Radio in Education which emerged from the Adult Education Association of America. The Council developed certain radio programs and pro- moted education radio programs in general. In 1933, Baker was listed as a participant in a series on “the Lawyer and the Public” which 23. Baker to Newton W. Rowell, 10 January 1930, Baker Papers, Container 60. 24. Cleveland Plain Dealer, 18 October 1934. Baker Correspondence with J. J. Rob- bins, November-December 1934, Baker Papers, Container 69.
Newton D. Baker 129 the National Advisory Council arranged in cooperation with the American Bar Association and broadcast on CBS.25 Why did Baker devote such time and energy to adult education, even to the point of speaking about dropping all other activities to help Cleveland College survive its financial crisis? For the answer we must return to his role as a politician and his recognition of the peo- ple’s power in a democracy. As a young man, Newton D. Baker’s views of democratic govern- ment seemed tied to the fate of his own causes. Although he had strong ties to the Democratic Party, he opposed the free-silver ideas of William Jennings Bryan and voted for McKinley in 1896. Since Bak- er was a strong free-trader and McKinley a strong protectionist, Bak- er’s choice was clearly for the lesser of two evils. However, he hoped the moderate size of McKinley’s victory would tone down the strong protectionism of the Republican leaders. In praising the election out- come, Baker averred that the McKinley victory showed that early critics of “our experiment in free government” who predicted the country would one day succumb to demogoguery had been proven wrong. But he seemed to betray his new expression of “faith in the permanence of our institutions,” and his new resolve to “purify them and save what is best in them for posterity” with his reservation that: Had Mr. Bryan won I should have felt that the time had come for the estab- lishment of some less democratic form of government among us. I have al- ways had philosophic difficulties with democracy as a theory, as you know, and as a purely speculative principle, I have never been able to see how a sys- tem which profusedly [sic] counted heads but avoided all inquiries as to whether or not there was anything in them could produce scientific re- sults.26 His faith was tested again the following year, more on grounds of in- tegrity than of intelligence, when, critical of ideas proposed for a sav- ings bank scheme, he wrote, “I have almost lost faith in the ability of our form of government to find five honest men out of Sixty Mil- lion.”27 But soon came the years in Tom Johnson’s administration, and then, Baker’s own terms as Mayor of Cleveland and, finally, his serv- 25. Correspondence and announcements in file on National Council on Radio in Ed- ucation, Baker Papers, Container 163. 26. Baker to Kurtz, 10 November 1986, Baker Papers, Container 266. 27. Baker to C. K. Dawson, 4 December 1897, Baker Papers, Container 266.
130 OHIO HISTORY ice in Woodrow Wilson’s cabinet. The choices of the people con- firmed Baker’s own views and, hence, encouraged his faith in public decisions. A lesson he drew from the Cleveland experience was the effectiveness of education about public affairs. Tom Johnson had a circus tent which he took to vacant lots throughout the City “when- ever he wanted to educate the people of Cleveland about a prob- lem .. .” Johnson would explain the problem and invite questions which he answered frankly, comprehensively, and dispassionately. As a re- sult of this procedure, in Mr. Johnson’s day Cleveland was the best in- formed city about its own affairs … anywhere in America, and nobody with a theory of municipal reform could come to Cleveland and surprise an audience into a sudden or impulsive attitude.28 After a career of twenty years in public service, Baker was more dis- posed to accept the people’s will, even when he thought it wrong. His experience in dealing with leaders holding many viewpoints and his observation of “less democratic forms of government” may have made him more conscious of the possibilities of democracy and the limitations of its alternatives. Certainly the League of Nations contro- versy tested his democratic faith. Even so, his commitment to the people’s decisions was clear, as he explained to his friend Raymond Fosdick why the Democratic Platform of 1924 should support U.S. membership in the League of Nations: If the American people want to stay out and take the consequences, I want to make common lot with them, much as I shall bewail their folly. … If we are beaten on that issue, we have no right to go into the League of Nations.29 If the people were to be self-determining, they had to have oppor- tunities for education. Thus Baker turned his attention to the ad- vancement of formal adult education, convinced that it was essential for progress and well-being in society. Governing a democracy is diffi- cult in any case, he argued, even though it is the best form of govern- ment. Part of the difficulty is, “Every change in the public policy of a democracy implies the re-education of the entire body politic.” In a despotism, only the despot has to be educated to the change, but in a democracy, “every step forward is that of educating an effective majority of the entire electorate to change their minds.“30 28. Baker to Brooks Emeny, 9 January 1934, Baker Papers, Container 69. 29. Baker to Fosdick, 12 March 1924, Baker Papers, Container 99. 30. Newton D. Baker, “The Answer is Education,” Journal of Adult Education, 3 (June, 1931), 264.
Newton D. Baker 131 In rhetoric common to Progressives of his day, Baker focused on the value of education for the purpose of social change. He could point to examples of the failure to change as evidence of the need for more education. For example, “the medieval performance which took place in Dayton, Tennessee,” in opposition to the teaching of bi- ological evolution, illustrated a failure of education among the people of Tennessee who supported legislation against teaching this relative- ly new knowledge.31 If education were to help people think through issues, it had to be education in depth-it needed to have “a certain element of consecu- tiveness and constancy.” Informing people was not the same as edu- cating them. Baker feared an intellectual environment “where we have substituted informational instrumentalities for real knowledge,” and anyone who had read a magazine article or heard a radio ad- dress on a profound subject felt ready to deal with the matter.32 Such education required a certain amount of time. Baker was con- cerned about the ways in which new technologies-the radio and the cable-had sped up decision making and made it easier for emo- tion to guide mass opinion. The opportunities for meditation provid- ed by slower communication were now gone.33 Hence, he conclud- ed, we need to train ourselves to think. Baker stated that his own conception of the kind of education needed is not that which pro- duces “a learned man or woman,” but rather that which through some process turns out a person with the capacity to withhold judg- ment until he or she knows the facts.34 Baker was less certain about the content of education, but felt that educators had to work toward knowledge common to all people. Again, like many Progressives, he saw a need to melt the cultural dif- ferences of a nation of immigrants. Adult education was, in a sense, a way to build community. People who come together to study share an interest in the subject. “Common knowledge, a community of in- terests, and an identity of culture give people a social power that is quite unattainable by any other means.”35 He thought this common heritage could be developed not only on a national scale, but interna- tionally as well. Thus he foresaw the promotion of “international soli- 31. Baker, “A Bystander Sees It,” 365. 32. Newton D. Baker, “Our Leisure Thinking,” Recreation, 27 (December, 1933), 426. Baker to Bailey (draft) undated, 1937. Baker Papers, Ralph Hayes file. 33. Baker, “Our Leisure Thinking,” 24. 34. Baker, “Answer is Education,” 262. 35. Ibid, 266.
132 OHIO HISTORY darity through the creation of a common intellectual heritage among many peoples.”36 If, then, the goals of adult education were to develop the capacity to think and a community of interest, where did the development of special knowledge, of experts, fit in? For Baker that was not the pur- pose of adult education institutions; more likely, it fell in the province of research universities and institutes. Of course, he respected schol- arly research on international issues and other matters, but his com- pliments were heartier for works which popularized and scholarly knowlege because they brought the information to the public. In dis- cussing the potential role of an international affairs expert at Cleve- land College, he wrote the candidate: The world’s trouble at the moment is not a lack of knowledge of the kind which research provides, but rather a lack of the dissemination and popu- larization of that knowledge.37 Despite his acceptance of democratic concepts, his efforts were im- bued with a certain elitism. There were those who discovered or de- termined the enlightened route, and there were the masses who could learn from the leaders. There were the people and the experts, the citizens and the leaders. He lauded America’s eighteenth centu- ry populace who brought about the country’s form of government, saying the citizens were able to engage in debate, write letters about civic events, and understand references to ancient philosophers. However, they used their knowledge to select the most learned men to write the Constitution. This relationship between public knowl- edge and separate expertise was one he thought effective for operat- ing a democracy. If there was an elitism incorporated in Baker’s philosophy, his en- ergies and commitment nevertheless contributed to an adult educa- tion movement which opened new opportunities for the populace and had the potential for diminishing elitism. Night schools and exten- sion programs made further education possible for workers and those who could not afford residential colleges. The issues that he raised concerning educational content, organization, and methodolo- gy for adults opened discussions and research that have stayed on the adult education agenda for the remainder of the twentieth centu- ry. 36. Baker, “A Bystander Sees It,” 365. 37. Baker to Emeny, 9 January 1934, Baker Papers, Container 69.
Rae Rohfeld holds a Ph.D. in American History from Case Western Reserve Univer- sity and is currently Metropolitan Campus Director for Continuing Education at Cuya- hoga Community College in Cleveland, Ohio. This article was made possible in part by a grant from the Travel to Collections Program of the National Endowment for the Hu- manities. Gracious assistance from the staffs of the Library of Congress Manuscript Di- vision and of the Case Western Reserve University Archives is acknowledged.
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“Baker on the Fifth Ballot?” The Democratic Alternative: 1932 is a fascinating article about Newton D. Bakers prospects to win the 1932 Democratic Party nomination for President. Baker was a strong choice by many and whoever received the nomination had a good chance to win the election that fall vs. Herbert Hoover. Courtesy of the Ohio Historical Society Journal
from the Ohio Historical Society
Samuel M. Jones was born on August 3, 1846, in Wales. His family immigrated to the United States in 1849. Jones’s parents struggled economically. His father found work as a stonemason and as a tenant farmer. Samuel Jones received a minimal education, primarily because his family needed him to work to survive economically. At ten years of age, Jones was employed as a laborer for a local farmer. Jones earned three dollars per month.
Jones found other employment that paid significantly better wages. At the age of fourteen, he accepted a job at a sawmill. He also spent several summers working on steamboats. In 1865, Jones found employment in the oilfields of western Pennsylvania. He gained extensive knowledge of the oil industry and was able to accumulate some modest savings. In 1870, Jones utilized these funds to form his own oil firm.
Jones remained in the oil business in Pennsylvania for the next decade. In 1885, after the death of his wife of ten years, he moved to Lima, Ohio. There, he continued to search for oil and quickly established a profitable well on the outskirts of Lima. At its peak, the well produced six hundred barrels of oil per day. Jones helped establish the Ohio Oil Company, which was eventually purchased by the Standard Oil Company, making Jones a wealthy man.
In 1892, Jones moved to Toledo, Ohio. Here he established the S.M. Jones Company, which manufactured tools for the oil industry. While Jones headed the company, unlike other businessmen of this era, he refused to pay his workers low wages. Jones determined that workers should receive a large enough salary to support their families. He asked his employees to work hard, to be honest, and to follow the golden rule. If the workers did these things, Jones promised his employees fair wages and safe working conditions. Jones became known as Samuel “Golden Rule” Jones because of his regulations.
In 1897, Jones received the Republican Party’s nomination for Toledo’s mayoral office. Workers united behind Jones’s candidacy, and he proclaimed that his “golden rule” philosophy would be the basis of his administration. Jones won the election and proceeded to implement Progressive reforms. During his time in office, Jones worked to improve conditions for the working class people of his community. The mayor opened free kindergartens, built parks, instituted an eight-hour day for city workers, and did much to reform the city government. Jones encouraged voters and politicians to renounce political parties. He believed that non-partisan politics would unite the American people together, rather than divide them as political parties seemed to do.
Jones was not very popular among businessmen and the wealthier members of Toledo society because of his views. Average citizens, however, rallied behind him. The Republican Party refused to nominate Jones for the mayor’s seat in 1899, but Jones still ran. With the support of the working class, Jones easily won reelection in 1899, having attained seventy percent of the vote. Jones died in office on July 12, 1904. His successor, Brand Whitlock, continued Jones’s reform efforts.
From the Ohio Historical Journal
George Cox was born in 1853 in Cincinnati, Ohio. His father was an English immigrant, struggling to support his family. When Cox was only eight years old, his father died, forcing Cox to leave school to help support his family. He worked numerous different jobs, including newsboy, bootblack, steamboat cabin boy, grocery deliveryman, butcher boy and bartender, all before Cox turned eighteen years of age.
By the early 1870s, Cox had saved enough money to purchase a bar in Cincinnati. It was located in a notorious part of the city, famous for its unsolved murders, called “Dead Man’s Corner.” Cox also became involved in politics during this time period, drumming up illegal voters for candidates that he favored. He also won election to the Cincinnati City Council in 1879. Cox’s reason for seeking office was because of the numerous raids Cincinnati police officers made against his bar. At this time, the Democratic Party controlled the Cincinnati city government. Cox ran as a Republican. He held office for two terms. Interestingly, upon assuming office, the police raids against Cox’s bar immediately stopped.
Cox emerged as the most powerful member of the Republican Party in Cincinnati by the mid 1880s. He chaired the Hamilton County Republican Committee. While Cox never held political office after his second term as city councilman, he virtually ran the Cincinnati city government by becoming a city boss. Like other city bosses, Cox used gifts and money to build support for himself among the working class in Cincinnati. During elections, Cox would then have his followers vote for the candidate that he supported. As Cox once stated: “The people do the voting. I simply see that the right candidates are selected.” By the late 1800s, if a person sought a political office in Cincinnati, he had to receive Cox’s endorsement to win the office. Cox also required the people that he placed in office to appoint loyal Cox followers to other government positions. These positions included police officers, firefighters, street cleaners, secretarial positions, and numerous other occupations.
By 1905, Cox had managed to provide nearly every Republican ward chairman a city office. To build support among the Democratic Party, Cox also appointed members of this party to forty percent of the city offices. To show their appreciation to Cox, these appointees had to turn over 2.5 percent of their salary to the Hamilton County Republican Committee. Cox then used this money to buy votes during elections. In particularly close elections, Cox paid residents of nearby states to come to Cincinnati to vote illegally. He also had no problem with some voters casting more than one ballot under assumed names — as long as the person voted for Cox’s candidate.
City bosses established virtual dictatorships over their cities, using illegal means to do so. Cox was no different. City bosses, however, did make some improvements in city life during the late 1800s and the early 1900s. As industrialization occurred and thousands of Americans moved to cities seeking employment, city governments had tremendous difficulty providing the necessary services to the city’s residents. City bosses commonly filled that void by having streets cleaned, by enforcing laws (at least the ones they chose to enforce), and by providing other services. While Cox allowed gambling and prostitution to occur to award his loyal supporters, he also greatly reduced the availability of these items by only allowing a small number of his followers to engage in these activities.
By 1905, Cox’s dominance of Cincinnati government began to fall apart. Over the next several years, Cox encouraged his supporters in the city government to annex surrounding communities. Many of the people in these neighborhoods were middle-class residents. They opposed Cox’s political corruption. Many of these people were supporters of the Progressive Movement and sought to return Americans to traditional and more moral values. With this influx of new voters — voters that Cox could not control — the city boss failed to have his candidate elected mayor of Cincinnati in 1911. City bosses maintained their power by guaranteeing that they could fulfill their promises to candidates. Cox failed to do this in 1911, and his supporters quickly deserted him. Cox immediately retired from politics, although some of his underlings continued to try to control the city unsuccessfully over the next decade.
Cox suffered a stroke in 1916, and he died that same year on May 20.
Article from the Ohio Historical Journal about Ohio’s Constitutional Convention of 1912 which helped to promote:
“..municipal home rule, direct primaries, the initiative and referendum,
equal suffrage, improvements in the court system and procedures,
and legal protection of workers.”
My Story by Tom L. Johnson edited by Elizabeth J. Hauser
Courtesy of Cleveland State University Special Collections
Tom L. Johnson lays out his philosophy. Read this after you read a more objective version of “The Tom L. Johnson Story” such as Robert Bremner and Eugene Murdock.
But then definitely read “My Story”.
The forward to the second edition of “My Story” Tom Johnson’s autobiography