“The Civic Awakening of Beachwood” by Mark Naymik (2014)

the pdf is here

The Civic Awakening of Beachwood

by Mark Naymik

It’s easy to envy Beachwood, Ohio.

The 12,000 residents in this suburb located in eastern Cuyahoga County live along tree-lined boulevards and in well-maintained sub-divisions. They have access to top amenities and services, from a spacious community center with a $5 million aquatics center to hiking trails, major retail and health centers. They enjoy an unparalleled school district flush with top academic and extracurricular activities that include two-dozen advanced placement classes and strings and symphonic band programs.

It’s no wonder residents have never rejected a school levy.

The suburb has been so successful that its well-educated residents (52 percent have bachelor’s degrees) have had few complaints about elected officials. The best proof is the long tenure of Beachwood Mayor Merle Gorden, who attracted no opponents in his re-election bids.

But that changed in 2013 with Gorden’s pursuit of a fifth term.

The Beachwood mayor’s race put Gorden on the hot seat and proved to be about much more than who would occupy the corner office in the suburb’s modern and well-appointed city hall, which offers the mayor a private parking garage with an elevator and an office with a fireplace.

The race became the catalyst for a civic re-awakening, one that inspired debate on planning and development, residential services and government openness that had been absent for years. The race also generated interest beyond its borders, a reflection of Beachwood’s success and importance in the region.

And the race highlighted better than any other political contest in Cuyahoga County that year how the region’s newspaper, The Plain Dealer, is evolving in the Internet age. The Plain Dealer and its on-line partner, cleveland.com, aggressively reported on Gorden and used the Internet to engage readers. The news organization itself became a campaign issue debated by candidates and their respective supporters.

The race for mayor began long before Gorden officially announced he would seek a fifth term. The race took root May 15 when The Plain Dealer published a story by Patrick O’Donnell on cleveland.com about Gorden’s salary and public pension payments.

The story, which was carried in The Plain Dealer the next day, explained that Gorden earned $198,000 on top of an annual retirement payment of $157,000, the bulk from the public retirement pension. The figures were outlined in documents Gorden is required to file with Ohio Ethics Commission, which monitors the financial disclosures of elected officials.

The story also noted that if Gorden sought and won re-election, he would receive another raise per a pay-raise schedule set by Beachwood City Council.

Gorden’s salary, not including the retirement payment, makes him the highest paid elected official in Ohio. Here’s some perspective: Cleveland Mayor Frank Jackson, who represents 390,0000 residents and won a third term last November, is paid around $145,000. Cuyahoga County Executive Ed FitzGerald’s annual salary is $175,000, about equal to Gorden’s base pay. Ohio Gov. John Kasich is paid about $148,000 a year.

News of Gorden’s salary appeared to catch some residents by surprise. Even though council voted publicly to raise the mayor’s salary several times, few residents noticed the raises. And why would they? There were no mayoral elections to draw attention to city hall. Council members, like Gorden, were trusted officials who served multiple terms with little opposition. The city ran without scandal or even controversy. The Plain Dealer, which scaled back its suburban coverage in early 2000s, virtually ignored Beachwood.

In short, residents were happy with Beachwood, it had become a standout suburb.

Council President Melvin Jacobs, a long-time friend of Gorden, defended the mayor’s pay. He told O’Donnell that the mayor deserved the salary because the mayor is also the city’s safety director, who oversees the police and fire departments.

And, Jacobs argued, the mayor’s salary is the price of success.

“You need a strong leader to run this city and make people happy,” Jacobs said. “We have an exceptional city – the services we provide, the economic development and business that are coming in, working with our schools – so it’s a very demanding and time-consuming job.”

Gorden certainly could take credit for some of the residents’ happiness. The city was always improving and adding services, such as the recent addition of heated sidewalks at City Hall, which appealed to senior citizens visiting the adjacent community center. The city purchased the best equipment and kept a well- maintained fleet of service vehicles, which paid off on snowy days, when Beachwood’s streets are cleared and salted before those of neighboring suburbs. The city is home to more than 3,000 businesses and major retail centers, including Beachwood Mall, which features Saks 5th Avenue and Nordstrom. Gorden also presided over two recent major business developments in the community, the new world headquarters of Eaton Corp., a Fortune 500 manufacturer, and University Hospitals Ahuja Medical Center.

But the model of service and economic development in the city was largely created and fostered by his predecessor, Harvey Friedman. Elected to city council in 1955, he served as council president for more than 20 years, then as mayor from 1981 to 1995.

Friedman’s Beachwood best exemplifies post-World War II suburban development in Northeast Ohio. Beachwood took advantage of open space and newer highways to leave behind the industry decline pulling down Cleveland and inner-ring suburbs. Even Shaker Heights, which borders Beachwood and was once nationally recognized for its wealth and design, was struggling.

Friedman advocated the concept of pooling property outside of residential areas for commercial and retail development. Two notable examples are Commerce Park and Science Park, which attracted major businesses in the white-collar financial, healthcare and technology industries. Credit card giant MBNA settled at Science Park and become one of the city’s largest employers with some 2,000 workers there. (Bank of America purchased MBNA in 2006 and in 2013 drastically cut the number of employees working there.)

Friedman also oversaw the development of retail centers. And he used the city’s income tax base and his soapbox as mayor to build and champion the city school system. Friedman helped turn Beachwood from a village of 1,000 in the 1950s into a regional economic engine.

By comparison, Shaker Heights blossomed as Cleveland did decades before. But Shaker Heights lacked room for new office and retail development that would grow its income tax base. And re-development was constrained by its historic buildings and mansions and deed restrictions. As a result, Shaker Heights relies on property taxes to keep government going. Its property taxes are now the highest in Cuyahoga County. This put suburbs such as Beachwood at a great advantage.

As a columnist my job is to scrutinize and question public policies and politicians, even those in such successful communities as the one Friedman helped build. I believed Gorden’s salary and perks were too far out of the mainstream, especially compared to those of mayors in other very successful and larger suburbs, such as Westlake and Solon. So, I wrote a column criticizing Beachwood’s Jacobs for pushing a pay increases for the mayor and for his suggestion that Beachwood’s success justifies its excess.

“You get what you pay for,” Jacobs told me.

The column fueled the buzz initiated by O’Donnell’s original story. Some residents complained to me in emails and on the phone that I looked petty and “jealous.” But most people reacted with concern for their suburb, perhaps mindful of how the tenure of Gorden’s predecessor ended. Despite Friedman’s success, he resigned in 1995, a few months after the start of a police investigation into allegations of misconduct by several city officials and contractors. He pleaded no contest to a charge of dereliction of duty.

Readers pressed me to look more closely at Gorden’s perks.

Ohio allows anybody to look at nearly every piece of paper a government generates, including the receipts of credit cards used by public officials. I requested several years’ worth of Gorden’s credit card receipts and any reimbursements for meals he received.

The records showed that between December of 2010 and June 2013 – the time period I scrutinized — Gorden and dining companions ate $18,000 worth of meals, according to his credit card statements and receipts. Taxpayers paid the bill.

Gorden and most members of city council defended the practice. They argued these expenses – which council regularly approved without reviewing the details of the charges — were the price of doing business and an important part of economic development success.

This attitude also separated the suburb from others in Northeast Ohio. More than leaders elsewhere, Gorden and council members see their city hall as a business to be judged by new office space and the number of new jobs. And Gorden likens himself to a CEO.

I nonetheless criticized the expenses as excessive and mocked Gorden and council for suggesting that the meals mattered to the city’s economic development efforts.

“Some people think Beachwood has flourished because of its affluent and educated residents, commercial real estate and proximity to major interstates,” I wrote sarcastically.

This column, published first on cleveland.com, drew strong reaction from readers, who posted 250 comments about the story, most critical of Gorden. Some of the readers commenting on the story identified themselves as residents of the Beachwood.

I also posted online copies of the receipts – along with Gorden’s personnel file and other records — so readers could draw their own conclusions, something news organizations are doing more frequently to take advantage of the Internet. These records sparked an additional 250 comments.

Other elected officials took notice, too. I heard from leaders in Lakewood, which is runs along Cleveland’s western edge, and from Avon, a top-rated suburb of 22,000 residents west of Cleveland in Lorain County.  Avon Mayor Jim Smith criticized Gorden’s spending on meals.

“I’m worried people think this is how all city officals are,” Smith told me in a follow up column.  “All city officials do not do this.”

I then wrote several more columns that examined Gorden’s perks, including his freedom to attend charity events on the city’s tab and his practice of saving huge chunks of unused vacation days to cash in each year for a hefty check. Gorden told me he rarely took time off.

One citizen used the columns and public records to ask the Ohio Auditor to investigate Gorden for possible abuse of public funds. (The Ohio Auditor has not said whether a special investigation is underway or not.)

The columns also emboldened first-term Beachwood Council member Brian Linick, a frequent critic of the administration, who asked for more details about the expenses cited in the columns.

Linick was the only member of council to oppose a .5-percent income tax hike in 2010 promoted by Gorden that was narrowly approved by voters. At the time, Linick said the city should tighten its finances rather than push a tax increase on those who worked in the city.

Gorden and his supporters considered The Plain Dealers’ coverage and cleveland.com comment section a “witch hunt.” A few anonymous callers accused me of being anti-Semitic. Gorden is Jewish and Beachwood is home to one of the highest populations of Jews in Northeast Ohio. But I was not picking on Gorden, Jews or Beachwood. I was paying attention to public records.

To push back against the negative publicity – and prepare for a possible opponent in his re-election bid — Gorden asked the city’s public relations firm to monitor and respond to charges being made on cleveland.com, according to a copy of the firm’s bill. Gorden, who stopped talking to me and other reporters at The Plain Dealer and cleveland.com, turned to Cleveland Jewish News, a weekly paper based in Beachwood that’s been friendly to the mayor.

In July, the Cleveland Jewish News published a story and video interview on-line with Gorden. In it, he dismissed many of charges against him as inaccurate. He said news coverage of him was nothing more than “election-year politics.”  Yet, Gorden announced that he was offering a number of “self-imposed” changes designed to curb expenses and shed more light on them. This, in fact, was a result of public pressure and growing concerns by council members.

Around the same time, Linick announced his bid for mayor, which represented the first serious challenge to Gorden in 16 years.

“In recent months, as the spending has come to light, it has remained important to me that we are fiscally responsible and rein in the spending,” Linick said at the time.

He also cited as motivation the need to assess the city’s changing development needs, shrinking budget surplus and city hall’s lack of transparency. He was frustrated that Beachwood did not broadcast its meetings on the Internet.

Linick pushed these issues in campaign literature and during two candidate forums, one sponsored by the League of Women Voters and one by Cuyahoga County Public Library, which was co-sponsored by the Cleveland Jewish News. More than 150 people packed the Beachwood branch of the Cuyahoga County Public Library for the Oct. 15 debate, which was also broadcast live on the Internet.

Gorden stuck to the theme that he had earned an outstanding “report card” as CEO of the city. Linick acknowledged the success of the city under Gorden’s leadership, but criticized the mayor for what he saw as excessive spending and high salary. Linick said he would cut $1 million from the city budget and work with council to cut the mayor’s salary.

A key question also emerged during the debate that was worthy of attention, fueled in part by Beachwood Mall expansion plans. Was the delicate balance between residential and commercial interests threatened?  That’s exactly the type of substantive issues missing from debate for a long time. Both candidates expressed concern and pledged to protect the balance.

Despite an aggressive challenge from Linick, Gorden easily won re-election.

It is easy to see why. He had a loyal voter base, which included seniors citizens, who pay attention to local politics and vote more regularly than younger voters. And Gorden had 16-year record of delivering services and maintaining the status quo, which in Beachwood was one to envy.

Gorden also spent nearly $100,000 on the campaign to remind voters of Beachwood’s success, for which he took credit. He loaned his campaign $48,000 and received contributions from developers, Beachwood business owners, political allies and residents.

Linick raised around $30,000 in small donations. He spent much of it on yard signs and voter mailings in which he argued Beachwood needed to look forward, not back. But his message failed.

Linick was unable to make the case that Gorden harmed the city or that the city would be better off with someone new. Linick’s strongest criticisms were about Gorden’s lunch expenses, which rallied his grass-roots supporters but did little to sway residents content with the suburb’s success. Even Linick’s pledge to work with council to reduce the mayor’s high salary failed to get traction among voters.

But the attention generated by Linick and a renewed interest from media – led by The Plain Dealer — forced voters to notice its mayor and council – something it was taking for granted. As a result, Beachwood is even better off.

Here’s proof. In March, 2014, council proposed reducing the amount of money the mayor and other officials would be allowed to spend on meals and to attend charity events on behalf of the city. Council has also pledged to broadcast its meetings on the Internet.

Mark Naymik is a columnist for the Northeast Ohio Media Group, which represents The Plain Dealer and cleveland.com. His columns appear online and in print. 

1. http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/39000.html

2. http://www.beachwoodschools.org/Profile.aspx

3. http://www.beachwoodschools.org/Community.aspx

4. http://www.beachwoodohio.com/Index.aspx?NID=94

5. http://www.cleveland.com/metro/index.ssf/2013/07/beachwood_resident_calls_for_a.html

6. http://www.cleveland.com/metro/index.ssf/2013/05/becahwood_mayor_merle_gorden_c.html

7. http://www.cleveland.com/business/index.ssf/2013/02/eaton_corp_opens_its_new_us_he.html

8. http://www.cleveland.com/naymik/index.ssf/2013/05/seven_hills_david_bentkowski_a.html

9. http://www.cleveland.com/naymik/index.ssf/2013/06/beachwood_mayor_merle_gorden_e.htmlhttp://www.cleveland.com/metro/index.ssf/2013/05/becahwood_mayor_merle_gorden_c.html

10. http://www.cleveland.com/naymik/index.ssf/2013/06/look_online_here_at_beachwood.html

11. http://www.cleveland.com/naymik/index.ssf/2013/06/beachwood_mayor_merle_gordens.html

12. http://www.clevelandjewishnews.com/news/local/article_9fc50e94-e8d0-11e2-9d29-0019bb2963f4.html

13. http://www.cleveland.com/naymik/index.ssf/2013/09/beachwood_voters_have_plenty_o.html

14. http://www.cleveland.com/beachwood/index.ssf/2013/07/councilman_brian_linick_announ.html

15. http://www.cleveland.com/beachwood/index.ssf/2013/11/beachwood_mayors_race.html

16. http://www.cleveland.com/beachwood/index.ssf/2013/12/re-election_costly_for_beachwo.html

17. http://www.cleveland.com/beachwood/index.ssf/2014/03/beachwood_officials_consider_r.html#incart_river

18. http://www.cleveland.com/beachwood/index.ssf/2013/12/re-election_costly_for_beachwo.html

19> http://media.cleveland.com/beachwood/other/post%20Gorden.pdf

Why Political Debates Matter by Michael F. Curtin

the pdf is here

Why Political Debates Matter

by Michael F. Curtin

     For the first time in nearly two generations, Ohioans will be unable to witness the candidates for top statewide offices engage in public debate.

This should be deeply troubling to voters of all political persuasions.

Newton N. Minow, former chairman of the Federal Communications Commission, perhaps best explained the case for debates in an October 2012 column published in The New York Times.

     “They are one place in the modern campaign – perhaps the only place – where the voter is treated with respect,” Minow wrote. “They are the one time when the major candidates appear together side by side under conditions they do not control. They are a relief from the nasty commercials that dominate the campaign . . .”

In classrooms throughout Ohio and the nation, grade-school and high-school students are encouraged to debate because debates sharpen reading, researching, writing and thinking skills.

For officeholders and candidates, agreeing to engage in debates is the highest form of acknowledging the vital importance of accountability and transparency in our democratic form of government.

Yet, in a historic departure from civic responsibility, four of the five 2014 Republican candidates for statewide executive office (and one Democratic Congressional candidate) have refused to debate their opponents.

“That’s shameful and it furthers the likelihood that the messages heard in this campaign will be from the candidates who have the most money to spend,” editorialized The Newark Advocate.

In the race for governor, Gov. John R. Kasich will spend several dollars in TV advertising for each vote he receives on Nov. 4. No complaint, there. That’s modern-day campaigning. The supremacy of money continues.

But, at the same time, to flatly refuse debate offers from Ohio’s major newspapers, television stations and good-government groups is a show of disrespect – even contempt – for the voter.

“Debates are part of the democratic process,” observed Cleveland’s WKYC-TV. “The media and voters expect them. Candidates and officeholders get to explain their policies and positions and give the public a chance to see styles and personalities outside the canned 30-second campaign ads.”

Without debates, “the big loser will be the public,” WKYC-TV concluded.

Over the decades, new ways of campaigning develop and eventually become the norm. We can only hope that 2014 does not mark a turning point in Ohio politics, and that refusing to debate becomes routine.

 

Columbus native Michael F. Curtin is currently a Democratic Representative (first elected 2012) from the 17th Ohio House District (west and south sides of Columbus). He had a 38-year journalism career with the Columbus Dispatch, most devoted to coverage of local and state government and politics. Mr. Curtin is author of The Ohio Politics Almanac, first and second editions (KSU Press). Finally, he is a licensed umpire, Ohio High School Athletic Association (baseball and fastpitch softball).

 

“Gerrymandering. The art of fixing elections” by Michael F. Curtin

The pdf is here

Ohio Congressional Districts “Disaggregated” 2012-2022

Gerrymandering. The art of fixing elections 

by Michael F. Curtin

On Nov. 3, 2015, Ohioans voted to end the blatant gerrymandering of the state’s 132 state legislative districts – 33 Ohio Senate districts and 99 Ohio House districts.

This welcome opportunity arrived because, in December 2014 – after many decades of partisan stalemate – Democrats and Republicans in the Ohio General Assembly forged a compromise plan to put before Ohio voters.

Unfortunately, the lawmakers stopped short of putting forth a companion plan for ending the gerrymandering of Ohio’s 16 congressional districts.

Ohio is one of many states in which good-government organizations for decades have been advocating an end to gerrymandering – the art of drawing meandering, misshapen districts to ensure noncompetitive elections and, as a result, one-party dominance that ignores overall vote totals.

The U.S. Constitution, to ensure equal representation by population, requires congressional and state legislative districts be redrawn once every 10 years after completion of a new U.S. Census.

Over the decades, both major parties in Ohio and other states – when in control of the offices that draw the maps – have abused their authority.

In 2010, Democrats in control of the Ohio House of Representatives shunned a widely-acclaimed reform plan approved by the Republican- controlled Ohio Senate. Why? Because Democrats then controlled the offices of governor and secretary of state, and wrongly assumed they would retain control after the November 2010 elections.

Over time, especially with the advent of computers and sophisticated map-making software, the abuses have become more and more flagrant. As a result, at no time in Ohio history have the congressional and state legislative maps been as blatantly gerrymandered as the maps now in place until the 2022 elections.

For example, one of the most bizarre districts in American history is Ohio’s 9th Congressional District, which snakes across the Lake Erie shoreline from Toledo to Cleveland.

When it comes to our collective attempts to foster good government – honest, open, responsible government – there have been few barriers as persistent, as corrosive and as detrimental to that goal as the blatant gerrymandering of congressional and state legislative districts.

We have known this for a long time.

When John Adams, in 1780, was writing the Constitution of Massachusetts, he called for the creation of compact, contiguous districts that would not unduly split towns or wards, and that would protect communities of interest.

Despite Adams’ warnings, by 1811 political opportunism trumped political piety in that state.

That occurred when Massachusetts Gov. Elbridge Gerry (pronounced GARY) went along with members of his party and signed a redistricting bill to favor the Democratic-Republicans and to weaken the Federalists – even though the Federalists, as the majority party, collected nearly two-thirds of the votes cast in the next election.

GARY-mandering was born; the pronunciation later morphed into “JERRY-mandering.”

Massachusetts was left with many odd-shaped congressional districts, and the practice of gerrymandering was off to the races.

The practice was no stranger to Ohio.

In the late 1870s and into the 1880s, Ohio politicians redrew our state’s congressional district lines six times in seven election cycles.

One of Ohio’s most famous politicians, William McKinley, in 1890 lost re-election to Congress primarily because of gerrymandering.

The following year – 1891 – statewide elections in those days were in odd-numbered years – McKinley was elected governor of Ohio. In his inaugural address of January 1892, he took the opportunity to strongly condemn the practice of gerrymandering, which he had painfully experienced.

Gerrymandering was getting enough of a bad rap that by 1901, Congress passed a law to require that districts be compact. However, subsequent violations of that requirement routinely were ignored.

Unfortunately, there are no federal standards that apply to political gerrymandering, except that districts have nearly equal populations. There are federal standards that apply to racial gerrymandering, but not partisan gerrymandering.

This lack of a federal standard has been lamented by many of our U.S. Supreme Court justices over the years, including current Justice

Anthony M. Kennedy, who has remarked: “It is unfortunate that when it comes to apportionment, we are in the business of rigging elections.”

So, without a federal standard, the constant battle to curb the evil of gerrymandering is a state-by-state battle.

How is gerrymandering used to rig elections?

A concise explanation appeared in the April 2002 edition of The Economist. Here is how the magazine explained it:

“Imagine a state with five congressional seats and only 25 voters in each district. That makes 125 voters.

“Sixty-five are Republicans; 60 are Democrats. You might think a fair election in such a state would produce, say, three Republican representatives and two Democrats.

“Now imagine you can draw district boundaries any way you like. The only condition is that you must keep 25 voters in each one.

“If you were a Republican, you could carve up the state so there were 13 Republicans and 12 Democrats per district. Your party would win every seat narrowly. Republicans, five-nil.

“Now imagine you were a Democrat. If you put 15 Republicans in one district, you could then divide the rest of the state so that each district had 13 Democrats and 12 Republicans. Democrats, 4-1. Same state, same number of districts, same party affiliation; completely different results.

“All you need is the power to draw the district lines.”

That is gerrymandering. It is discriminatory districting, practiced to inflate one party’s strength and dilute the opposing party’s strength. The odd shapes result from drawing lines designed to pack as many voters of the opposite party into as few districts as possible, leaving a majority of districts to be won by the party controlling the mapmaking process.

At present, Ohio’s state legislative districts are drawn by the five- member Apportionment Board, which is controlled by the governor, auditor and secretary of state. Congressional districts are drawn by the Ohio General Assembly.

The plan approved by Ohio voters on November 3, 2015 would replace the Apportionment Board with a seven- member Ohio Redistricting Commission, and require that any plan adopted by the commission have the support of at least two members of each of the two major political parties.

The plan also includes more explicit map-making standards designed to minimize the splitting of counties, cities, townships and wards. If successful, the plan would end the drawing of crazy-looking districts that are anything but compact.

At present, there are no plans to ask Ohio voters to adopt a plan to reform congressional redistricting. Republicans who control the Ohio General Assembly said such a plan should await a ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court on the constitutionality of the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission.

Arizona’s Republican leaders challenged the constitutionality of the commission, arguing that the U.S. Constitution gives state legislatures exclusive authority to draw congressional districts.

On June 29, 2015, the Supreme Court, in a 5-4 ruling, upheld the Arizona plan. The ruling held that a state’s legislative authority includes the electorate taking advantage of the initiative process.

Columbus native Michael F. Curtin is currently a Democratic Representative (first elected 2012) from the 17th Ohio House District (west and south sides of Columbus). He had a 38-year journalism career with the Columbus Dispatch, most devoted to coverage of local and state government and politics. Mr. Curtin is author of The Ohio Politics Almanac, first and second editions (KSU Press). Finally, he is a licensed umpire, Ohio High School Athletic Association (baseball and fastpitch softball).

Ohio House and Senate Districts 2012-2022 (Plain Dealer/NEOMG) – click here

Ohio Congressional Districts 2012-2022 – click here

State of the County Speeches

Armond Budish, Cuyahoga County Executive, delivers his 2015 State of the County Address, 

Budish Focuses on Economic Development in His First State of the County Speech (Plain Dealer/NEOMG)

 

Full Text of Cuyahoga County Executive Armond Budish’s 2015 State of the County Address (Plain Dealer/NEOMG)

 

 

Ed Fitzgerald, Cuyahoga County Executive, delivers his 2014 State of the County Address, February 19, 2014

The link is here

The transcript is here

  

Ed Fitzgerald, Cuyahoga County Executive, delivers his 2013 State of the County Address, February 19, 2013

The link is here

The transcript is here

Interview with Jim Rokakis Former Cleveland City Councilman (1977-1996) & Cuyahoga County Treasurer (1997-2009) -video

jim-rokakis-on-cspan-rev

Jim Rokakis served on the Cleveland City Council from 1977-1996, and was Cuyahoga County Treasurer from 1997-2009. During his time at City Council he was chairman of the Finance Committee. He was interviewed for Teaching Cleveland Digital on October 24, 2013. Cameras by Jerry Mann and Meagan Lawton, Edited by Meagan Lawton, Interviewed by Brent Larkin. © 2013 Jerry Mann and Teaching Cleveland Digital.

part 1
© 2013 Jerry Mann and Teaching Cleveland Digital.
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Teaching Cleveland Digital Media by www.teachingcleveland.org is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivs 3.0 Unported

Libraries, Archives and Historical Societies through the 1880s

From the Encyclopedia of Cleveland History. Written by Kermit Pike.

The link is here

LIBRARIES, ARCHIVES, AND HISTORICAL SOCIETIES In general, the development of libraries, historical agencies, and archives in the WESTERN RESERVE has followed patterns experienced throughout the Old Northwest Territory. There are some differences, in part dictated by location, population trends, wealth, and select creative individuals. During Cleveland’s first 70 years, libraries and historical societies offered few indications of their future national preeminence. The libraries, literary associations, and reading rooms which formed prior to the Civil War were generally organized as stock companies or subscription libraries with membership fees. Hard economic times or lack of interest often contributed to their demise. Only one, the CLEVELAND LIBRARY ASSN. (CLA) (est. 1848), left a lineal descendant that existed in the 1980s.

Of necessity, Cleveland’s early residents focused their energies on surviving the environment and settling the land. Although relatively little is known about their reading ability and habits, it is believed that only a few brought books with them. Reading matter consisted of almanacs, home remedy and legal guides, farming manuals, and, when they could be obtained, newspapers. The first formal attempt to establish a library occurred in 1811, when 16 of Cleveland’s 18 families formed the Cleveland Library Assn. It lasted for approx. 2 years, a victim of the turmoil fomented by the War of 1812. In the 1820s several state and national movements focused, in part, on establishing libraries. Interest in public education was growing. Calvin E. Stowe, Ohio disciple of Horace Mann, crusaded for the establishment of tax-supported schools and public libraries. Beginning in 1826, the American Lyceum Movement supported the development of libraries, in addition to lyceums, to provide intellectual stimulation and improvement through courses based on reading and discussion. Increasing numbers of bookstores handled remedy books, almanacs, political and religious tracts, and, to a lesser extent, literary works. Despite these developments, the growing village of Cleveland took a back seat to 2 neighboring communities in library development. In 1827 the Newburgh Library Society was founded in NEWBURGH, largely through the efforts of Daniel Miles. Members paid an initiation fee and annual dues, until the 1870s when the books were divided up among society members. Charles H. Olmstead had a library of some 500 volumes, which in 1829 he offered to the community of Kingston (later Lenox) if the village would rename itself in honor of his father, Aaron Olmstead, an original shareholder of the CONNECTICUT LAND CO. Although some volumes were lost in transit from the East, the NORTH OLMSTED book collection was probably the largest in Greater Cleveland at that time.

During the 1830s, Cleveland, a booming city due to the opening of the OHIO AND ERIE CANAL, developed a variety of book-oriented associations. Members of the CLEVELAND LYCEUM gathered to hear lectures and exchange books and periodical literature. The Cleveland Library Co. operated for the benefit of its subscribers. Periodicals and newspapers were available to the members of the Cleveland Reading Room Assn., open daily to members. The library of the Young Men’s Literary Assn. consisted of some 800 volumes. AFRICAN AMERICANS, only a small percentage of the city’s population at the time, formed the Colored Men’s Union Society, and could boast of a library of 100 volumes. By 1838 attempts to merge several of these failed; only the Young Men’s Literary Assn. survived the 1840s. In 1848 its members incorporated as the Cleveland Library Assn. Although continuing to sponsor lectures, the association emphasized the collection and dissemination of books for the benefit of its members. Among its leaders were WILLIAM CASE† andCHARLES WHITTLESEY†. Case was also the moving force behind the Arkites, an informal association interested in natural history and collecting specimens, precursor to the CLEVELAND MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY.

Whittlesey was one of the first residents to manifest an interest in collecting and preserving letters, diaries, maps, and other documents of the area’s early settlers. He published many of these documents in his Early History of Cleveland (1867, see HISTORIES OF CLEVELAND). Whittlesey also paid tribute to Judge JOHN BARR†, prominent Cleveland lawyer and jurist and former officer of the Cleveland Lyceum, who had begun collecting reminiscences from early residents of the city in the early 1840s. Barr gathered information relating to the period of exploration and settlement of northeast Ohio and, in 1846, published a short history of Cleveland in Fisher’s National Magazine. Despite these efforts, no established institution as yet intentionally preserved original records or manuscripts. City and county government records were considered the responsibility of officeholders, and libraries in the 1850s continued to focus on printed books and lectures. The collection of the Bethel Reading Room was open to the public 2 evenings a week, and the Mercantile Library Assn. offered a platform for the most prominent public speakers of the day. In 1854 the new YOUNG MEN’S CHRISTIAN ASSN. (YMCA) included a circulating library. Prior to the Civil War, privately funded libraries were gathering places where one could spend an evening discussing current events and issues.

Educators, however, increasingly recognized books as essential in the process of disseminating knowledge. An 1853 state law provided tax funds to purchase books for school libraries. The first major U.S. city to establish a public library was Boston (1852). Fifteen years later, an act of the Ohio legislature empowered local boards of education to establish libraries and supported these institutions from the general property tax. The Cleveland Public School Library, created by this law, did not formally open until 1869, some 16 years before the formation of the New York Public Library. The CLEVELAND PUBLIC LIBRARY‘s early years were characterized by controversy and financial crises; it struggled to define its mission and to gain cooperation from the community and its leaders. The year 1867 also witnessed the creation of the WESTERN RESERVE HISTORICAL SOCIETY (WRHS), then called the Western Reserve and Northern Ohio Historical Society, as a department of the Cleveland Library Assn. Several members of that association wanted to preserve the history of this region, which was undergoing major changes.

The city’s new tax-supported public library did not stop interest groups from sponsoring special libraries to address specific needs. In 1870 the Cleveland Law Library was established to benefit its members and local government officials. Reading rooms were opened as alternatives to saloons by the Women’s Christian Assn. (see YOUNG WOMEN’S CHRISTIAN ASSN. (YWCA)) as part of its program of TEMPERANCE. The CLEVELAND MEDICAL LIBRARY ASSN. was organized in 1894, with the books and journals accumulated by the Cuyahoga County Medical Library as the nucleus of its collection. Although created for the benefit of members, most special libraries made their books accessible to the public. For example, the collections of theROWFANT CLUB (est. 1892), an association of book lovers and collectors, were available to nonmembers by appointment. The libraries of Western Reserve College, which moved to Cleveland from Hudson, OH, in 1882, and the Case School of Applied Science (est. 1881, see CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY), also opened their reading rooms to the public.

The profession of library science considers the formation of the American Library Assn. in 1876 as crucial in its history; in Cleveland, the appointment ofWILLIAM H. BRETT† as Cleveland Public Library director in 1884 was pivotal. Under his 34-year leadership, the library gained national prominence, emphasizing proper training of librarians and easy access to books by the public, including children. This was manifest in the development of a network of branch and school libraries. The application of a decimal classification system permitted better control of a growing collection, which by 1900 consisted of more than 100,000 volumes and annually circulated more than 600,000 items. At century’s end, the library, although seriously overcrowded, was poised for even more dramatic growth.

During its first 3 decades, the WRHS had accumulated significant collections of books, manuscripts, newspapers, and maps documenting the early history and settlement of northern Ohio. In 1892 the society ceased operating as a branch of the Cleveland Library Assn. and received a charter from the State of Ohio. In 1898 it exchanged its quarters on PUBLIC SQUARE for a new building on EUCLID AVE.. at the western border of UNIVERSITY CIRCLELike the public library, the WRHS was positioned to play an expanding role.

As was common elsewhere in the nation, an important aspect of local history was still being ignored: no effective plan had yet developed to preserve local government records. As early as 1836, CLEVELAND CITY COUNCIL had appointed a committee to obtain records from the former trustees of the Village of Cleveland. Periodically thereafter, city officials bemoaned the lack of adequate storage facilities, and city records continued to be the responsibility of department heads. In 1876 CLEVELAND CITY HALL moved to the Case Bldg., where a fireproof vault provided temporary protection for some city archives.

The first quarter of the 20th century witnessed substantial growth and innovation for Cleveland libraries. Andrew Carnegie, relenting to years of solicitation by Brett, in 1904 provided a $100,000 endowment to initiate the 4th school of library science in the U.S. at Western Reserve Univ. Several municipalities opened public libraries, including WHITE MOTOR CORP.) (1918), the CLEVELAND CLINIC FOUNDATION (1921), and the Cleveland Museum of Natural History (1921), among numerous other corporations, schools, and medical and educational institutions. Nationally, in response to this rapid growth, the Special Libraries Assn. was founded in 1909. By 1925 its U.S. directory listed 975 special libraries. Ohio ranked 6th among the states with 54 such libraries, 17 of which were in Cleveland. Despite the increasing number of libraries in Cuyahoga County, however, not all communities were served. In 1922, a year after Ohio law authorized the formation of county library systems, Cuyahoga County residents voted approval to the first such system in the state. Until 1942, the CUYAHOGA COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY SYSTEM (CCPL) had its headquarters in the Cleveland Public Library building.

In 1916 Cleveland’s government offices moved into the new city hall, on the MALL, with spacious quarters allotted for records storage. In less than 2 decades, however, expanding staff levels relegated the records to the subbasement. The Cleveland Public Library also welcomed its new Mall building, which opened in 1925. With shelving capacity for 2 million books, many separate reading rooms, and a variety of provisions for special collections, the blind, and children, the magnificent building was, among other things, a manifestation of the high esteem in which the library was held, both locally and nationally. While Brett, his successor, LINDA EASTMAN†, and board president JOHN G. WHITE† led this library during its most expansive era,WALLACE H. CATHCART†, WRHS director, and WILLIAM P. PALMER†, president, greatly enhanced the society’s holdings and reputation during the 1910s and 1920s. The collections amassed and those solicited from wealthy Clevelanders provided a substantial basis for future library and archival programs.

During the Depression, most of the city’s libraries and cultural institutions suffered serious reductions in financial support and staffing. In 1933 the source of funds for Ohio’s public libraries changed from the property tax to the newly created intangible property tax. However, revenues remained low in the face of increasing costs. Nevertheless, the Cleveland Public Library, with 69 branches and a 2-million-volume collection, continued to lead the nation in per capita circulation. One highlight during these otherwise bleak years was the “discovery” of the records of the CLEVELAND CITY GOVERNMENT and theCUYAHOGA COUNTY GOVERNMENT. Under the sponsorship of the public library, in 1935 Works Progress Administration employees began to inventory the records of Cuyahoga County as part of a statewide project. The inventories were condensed and published in 1937 in 2 volumes, which also contained a recommendation for the establishment of a central department of records to assure their preservation and accessibility. Unfortunately, nearly 4 decades passed before the county government moved in this direction. A similar program was undertaken for the state’s municipalities by the Historical Records Survey program of the WPA. The inventories of Cleveland’s records were issued in 5 volumes between 1939-42. Workers found many records in poor storage conditions; City Hall lacked sufficient space for the old records, let alone for records being created by a city whose population was approaching 1 million. In 1941, in one small step, a local ordinance required that copies of every printed city report and document be deposited in the Municipal Reference Library, a branch of the Cleveland Public Library at City Hall. No provisions were made for the voluminous unpublished records basic to the city’s operation, and invaluable to historical research. Beginning in the 1970s, certain city records, particularly the surviving office files of mayors back toTOM L. JOHNSON†, were transferred to the WRHS. In 1978 a city council ordinance created a city records commission to review records disposal.

The post-World War II years saw a substantial increase in the number of local historical agencies, especially in the SUBURBS. The following historical societies were established: CHAGRIN FALLS HISTORICAL SOCIETY (1946), SHAKER HISTORICAL SOCIETY (1947), LAKEWOOD HISTORICAL SOCIETY (1952), BEDFORD HISTORICAL SOCIETY (1955), BAY VILLAGE HISTORICAL SOCIETY (1960) and the SOLON HISTORICAL SOCIETY (1968), as well as societies in BRECKSVILLE (1944), GATES MILLS (1948), EUCLID (1958), STRONGSVILLE (1964), and ROCKY RIVER (1968), among others. Beginning in the late 1960s, the WRHS expanded its collecting policy to include urban, black, ethnic, Jewish, architectural, and labor history. In 1959 a state law gave the Ohio Historical Society the responsibility for administering the records of Ohio’s counties and municipalities, but the state did not provide necessary funding until 1974. Field representatives began working in each of the 8 regions defined by the Ohio Network of American Research Centers, created in 1970 to provide a framework for the record and manuscript preservation. In 1975 Cuyahoga County formed its own archives department (see CUYAHOGA COUNTY ARCHIVES).

The 111 manuscript repositories and institutional archives listed in Cuyahoga County by the Society of Ohio Archivists in 1974 ranged from colleges and museums to banks, churches, businesses, newspapers, and professional associations. In the 1960s genealogy became fashionable nationally, increasing the use of local, as well as federal government, records. The Ohio Genealogical Society, with 6 chapters in the Greater Cleveland area by 1983, was founded in 1959.

Cleveland’s population decline and racial strife in the mid-1960s affected its libraries. For example, the Cleveland Public Library closed some little-used branches and reduced professional staff. Of all the steps taken to streamline and modernize library operations, none was more profound than automation. In 1980 the Cleveland Public Library implemented a systemwide, on-line computerized catalog, one of the first major public libraries in the U.S. to do so. By late 1983, patrons and staff could access the 975,000 computerized records (entered at a cost of approx. $4 million) via terminals at the main library and the 31 neighborhood branches. By 1985 several other library systems, including those in Cleveland Hts.-Univ. Hts., SHAKER HEIGHTS, Euclid, Willoughby-Eastlake, and in Lorain, Medina, and Wayne counties, had tied into Cleveland Public Library’s on-line service, while the Cuyahoga County Public Library and local university libraries developed their own databases.

The growth of competing library systems in the Greater Cleveland area resulted in duplication of services, as well as increased competition for tax support. The Library Council of Greater Cleveland, founded in 1969 and composed of directors of 16 library systems, explored potential areas of cooperation. In 1975 the Cleveland Area Metropolitan Library System (see CAMLS), an agency that included 43 member institutions with 131 outlets and combined holdings of 7.4 million volumes in 1986, was established to facilitate such cooperation. Since the 1940s, institutional studies, community leaders, and some library officials have periodically called for consolidation of Cuyahoga County’s library systems. By 1952 5 suburban systems had merged with the county library system, but 9 still operated independently. Competition for the intangible property tax was heated and, after 1984, for the income tax proceeds that replaced the intangibles tax as the principal source of library funding. Into the mid-1980s, the Cuyahoga County Public Library, emphasizing its larger geographic area and population base, clung to its autonomy, as did the Cleveland Public Library. The failure to effect a merger, however, does not diminish the fact that residents of the Greater Cleveland area have access to a plethora of excellent library institutions and comprehensive collections for recreational and scholarly purposes.

Kermit Pike

Western Reserve Historical Society

Teaching Cleveland Digital