Cleveland and the War of 1812

From the Encyclopedia of Cleveland.

The link is here


WAR OF 1812. When Congress declared war against Great Britain on 18 June 1812, the village of Cleveland consisted of 100 or fewer souls huddled near the mouth of the CUYAHOGA RIVER. Except for their geographic location, they had no reason to be either especially interested or principal actors in the war. However, situated on a significant Lake Erie harbor and attuned to American ideas of possible acquisition of British lands on the lake’s northern shore, the villagers were affected in significant ways by the War of 1812. Cleveland served as a base for supplies, a rendezvous for military units, and the location of a military fort and hospital. The war also provoked alarms and invasion scares, which were quieted only with Perry’s naval victory on Lake Erie and the subsequent demolition of a British and Indian force by Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison at the Battle of the Thames in the autumn of 1813. American activities were centered on Lake Erie and its connecting waterways for 3 primary reasons: to inflict damage on British military units garrisoned in Upper Canada (today’s Ontario), to end the alleged British instigation of Indian depredations on American frontier settlements, and, if possible, to acquire Canadian lands by invasion and occupation. However, the early endeavors were disastrous for America, especially the humiliating surrender of Detroit by Gen. Wm. Hull in Aug. 1812, which opened the waterways for invasions of northern Ohio. After a report from the Sandusky-Huron area falsely informing Clevelanders of enemy boats proceeding down the lake, many residents abandoned their homes and sought refuge farther inland. The “hostile marauders” turned out to be Americans paroled from Hull’s disaster. New England Federalists might be antiwar, but transplanted Western Reserve Federalists recognized the need for defense. Their initial effort centered 2 militia companies at Cleveland, soon augmented by additional militiamen, all commanded by Gen. Elijah Wadsworth. Most of these troops moved out of the village within a short time, on their way westward to the Sandusky and Maumee valleys. In the spring of 1813, Capt. Stanton Sholes arrived with a company of regular army troops. Sholes put his men to work building a hospital, and then a small fort (FORT HUNTINGTON) and a breastworks of logs and brush near the bank of Lake Erie. From that vantage point, soldiers and civilians could view a part of the British fleet that appeared off the harbor on 19 June 1813. A period of calm beset the fleet a short distance from shore, until a thunderstorm drove the potential raiders from the Cleveland area.

Americans had come to realize that control of Lake Erie was requisite to any penetration of Upper Canada. In anticipation of challenging British control of the lake, Lt. Oliver Hazard Perry constructed a fleet at Erie, PA (small boats — bateau were constructed in the upper waters of the Cuyahoga River and would later be used in the invasion of Canada). On 10 Sept. 1813, Perry accomplished his objective in magnificent fashion. Moving from his flagship, the Lawrence, when it was destroyed, he continued command from the deck of the Niagara, reporting the destruction of the British fleet in unforgettable prose: “We have met the enemy and they are ours.” Americans, starved in this second year of warfare for words of cheer, had found a worthy naval hero. By virtue of the victory, the way now was cleared for Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison’s invasion of Upper Canada. He annihilated a British-Indian force on 5 Oct. 1813 at the Battle of the Thames, ending warfare on Lake Erie and its shores. Clevelanders long reported stories of having heard gunfire from the vessels engaged in Perry’s Battle of Lake Erie, adopting Perry as a civic hero and erecting a statue of him on PUBLIC SQUARE in 1860 (see PERRY MONUMENT). Less newsworthy, but no less significant in the life of the embryonic city, was the way in which supplies for troops, mustering of militia and regular army units, and medical and hospital care for sick and wounded soldiers came to be centered at Cleveland. By the time the war ended with the Treaty of Ghent (24 Dec. 1814), the residents of the village could congratulate themselves on their brave defense against invasion (that did not occur), their logistical contributions to the nation’s military and naval efforts, and the way in which their village’s natural resources of river and harbor had become recognized as advantages for regional supply and support.

Carl Ubbelohde

Case Western Reserve Univ.

A Bad End For a Good Guy. Did Cleveland Kill Eliot Ness?

Plain Dealer article written by Brian E. Albrecht and published on September 7, 1997

 

A BAD END FOR A GOOD GUY DID CLEVELAND KILL ELIOT NESS?

Author: BRIAN E. ALBRECHT PLAIN DEALER REPORTER

She leans against a walker in a small Cleveland apartment; frail and timeworn, but with eyes blazing as bright as the memories of her years as the housekeeper, cook and friend to a living legend. 

Others knew Eliot Ness as the two-fisted Prohibition-era crimefighter who dodged bullets and bribes to help put Chicago gangster Al Capone behind bars; then rode into Cleveland to clean up the town in the best Old West/Gary Cooper tradition. 

But to Corrine Lawson, 78, he was simply Mr. Ness – a hard-drinking, hard-partying guy; silky smooth with the ladies but also kind, decent, and soft-spoken, “one of the nicest men you’d ever want to meet.” 

Come Wednesday, however, when Ness is memorialized with full pomp and ceremony at Lakeview Cemetery, his cremated remains laid to rest 40 years after his death, Lawson won’t be there. Wouldn’t, even if she could. 

Because she and others who knew Ness, or looked beyond the legend, know the story that isn’t buffed to an invisible gloss by TV and movie distortions. 

And it’s a sad one. No happy ending in this final reel. 

Cleveland represented both the brightest and darkest hours of Eliot Ness. As Public Safety Director from 1935-42, he shot to the top, moving with the movers and shaking with the shakers; scandalizing the stuffed shirts, inspiring the hopeful, scrubbing the municipal dirty laundry, and all the while, busting the bad guys. 

It was here that Ness made the leap from leader of a small team of elite federal investigators, “The Untouchables” – smashing bootleg breweries in Chicago during the Roaring Twenties – to being handed, at the age of 32, the resources of an entire city to bring to bear against crime, corruption, and all the other ills of a town mired in its own squalor. 

But it was also here that Ness started a slippery slide to financial ruin and obscurity; rejected by the city that once hailed him as its knight in shining armor; stumbling through a succession of business failures to end up sipping scotch on a barstool in a small Pennsylvania town, recalling the old glory days with the faint hope that if those memories were ever published, they’d be good for one last ride. 

They were, but Ness wasn’t aboard to enjoy it. 

Some blamed his downfall on booze; a cruel irony, if true, for a legend born by slaying the gangster dragons of Prohibition. 

Some cite bad luck and worse timing; a natural-born lawman who left his element for business and politics, and couldn’t get back. 

Others speculate that Ness may have cracked under the pressure of his failure to capture Cleveland’s infamous “Torso Murderer,” who scattered amputated pieces of his handiwork around town for three years. 

Or perhaps the knight in shining armor simply ran out of dragons to slay … 

Except his own. 

“Anyone who goes in gets his head blown off!” came the shout from the Harvard Club, one of many area gambling clubs located just beyond the Cleveland border in 1936. 

Private detectives hired by assistant Cuyahoga County Prosecutor Charles McNamee to raid the Newburgh Heights’ casino, hesitated as customers flew out the club’s doors and windows to escape. 

The county sheriff would send no help, citing his “home rule” policy of non-interference unless asked by the local mayor. Desperate, McNamee placed a call to Cleveland’s new safety director, who soon arrived with a posse of cops who’d volunteered to act as private citizens beyond the city limits. 

“All right, let’s go,” he simply said, and Eliot Ness led his small army into the casino without a shot being fired. 

Decisive, deliberate action became a Ness trademark in Cleveland, according to Jo Chamberlin, brother of Ness’s administrative assistant and close friend, Robert Chamberlin. 

“He was always on the go, never kept regular working hours,” says Chamberlin, of Pallisades, N.Y. “If something was happening, he’d say `We’d better go take a look,’ and the next thing you know he’d be across town, and whoever happened to be with him went sailing along, too.’ 

One such rider was Viktor Schreckengost, 91, of Cleveland Heights, who knew Ness’s second and third wives, both local artists. 

He recalls attending a party in Cleveland Heights where Ness, after receiving an urgent phone call, invited him along for a ride downtown. Next thing Schreckengost knew he was part of a convoy of cars roaring down Euclid Avenue at 80 mph; sirens screaming, hearts pounding. 

When they arrived at the scene, Schreckengost was told by Ness to stay in the car, and never did find out what the call was about. “He came out after 10 or 15 minutes and said `No problem. We got it solved.’ ‘ 

It was just one of many surprises about Ness, he adds. The first time they met, “I was looking for a big fellow, and here’s this quiet guy who never liked to brag, but would just sit back and listen. Not the kind of fellow you expected to be a gangbuster at all. In fact, he was the last person you’d think would ever have anything to do with Al Capone.” 

But a much stiffer challenge awaited him as safety director, and one of the stiffest was the corruption and inefficiency that crippled the police department. Many cops were on the payroll of local mobsters, or even running small rackets of their own. 

Mayor Harold H. Burton, who’d been elected promising reform, was sure he’d appointed the right man for the job. He remarked, “Eliot Ness works hard and he serves the public, no one else.” 

Ness quickly set the tone. Six days after taking office he fired two policemen for drinking on duty, saying, “I will not stand for this sort of thing in my department. It is that simple. Either we have decent law-abiding policemen to show us the way, or we don’t.” 

Others would soon discover how serious Ness was, as a wave of transfers and dismissals swept every precinct in the city. 

Those regarding Ness’s pursuit of corruption with an almost religious zeal – labeling the youthful safety director as a “Boy Scout” and “College Cop” – weren’t far wrong, according to Paul Heimel, author of the recent biography, “Eliot Ness: The Real Story.” 

Heimel notes, “In his writings, Ness clearly saw his job as a mission, as if he had been chosen to defend all that was good about America against all that was evil.” 

To aid his investigations, Ness re-created the old Untouchables concept with a hand-picked team of incorruptible lawmen called “The Unknowns,” who worked undercover to gather evidence against criminals and crooked cops alike. 

But rooting out corruption was only half the job. It’s the other equally enduring but less colorful half that often gets lost in the legend, says Rebecca McFarland, a local expert on Ness who has lectured about his life and times for the past nine years. 

“He not only solved problems at hand, but had the foresight to look beyond a problem to make sure it didn’t happen again,” she says. “He had a tremendous impact on the city, which endures to this day.” 

Ness established the city’s first police academy, created a police scientific investigation unit, and launched a new fleet of police vehicles painted a vivid red, white and blue to increase their visible presence around town. 

He equipped prowl cars, motorcycles and his newly created “Emergency Patrol Trucks” (forerunners of today’s ambulances) with two-way radios, linked to a central communications/dispatch center. 

When he took office, Cleveland was second in the nation in traffic-related deaths and injuries. Ness rejuvenated the city’s traffic division, imposed tougher vehicle inspections, cracked down on speeders and drunk drivers, and helped devise new traffic routing and an Accident Prevention Bureau to promote traffic safety through public awareness campaigns. 

In less than four years, traffic accidents were reduced to the point where Cleveland was honored by the National Safety Council as the nation’s safest city. 

Ness had similar success in reducing juvenile crime by 62 percent. “Keep them off the streets and keep them busy,” was his credo in organizing a citywide Boy Scout program (with scoutmasters recruited from the police and fire departments), founding a Cleveland Boy’s Town program, and establishing a special police bureau to handle juvenile cases. 

Ness overhauled the fire department, arranging for new equipment to replace an aging inventory that included leaky hoses and such antiquities as one hook-and-ladder so decrepit it could only climb hills in reverse. 

In battling crime, Ness’s early effort at the Harvard Club was repeated with greater success at gambling joints inside the city limits. 

But in one case involving a surgeon’s skill and a madman’s terror, Ness failed; perhaps opening the first chinks in his seemingly invincible armor and public personna. 

Newspapers dubbed him the Mad Butcher and Torso Murderer, for his technique of of severing the limbs and heads of 12 victims left scattered across Greater Cleveland from 1935-38. Ness responded with the largest manhunt in Cleveland history, but the killer was never apprehended. 

Jim Badal, Cuyahoga Community College English professor and an authority on the torso murders, says Ness may have been out of his depth. 

“It has always been my feeling that Ness didn’t particularly want any part of it. This was a man used to dealing with men like Al Capone who committed crimes for understandable reasons – greed, jealousy, power – and Ness was smart enough to realize this was something totally new in the annals of crime, and simply didn’t want to get involved in it.” 

Steven Nickel, author of the 1989 book, “Torso,” also believes the old Chicago dazzle just didn’t cut it with serial murders. 

“He didn’t know how to handle it. When you take on mobsters, you find out where the alcohol is, you break down the door and make the bust. But with this, he didn’t know how to approach it,” Nickel says. 

“In the end, Ness probably did what he could and just came up short,” he adds. “I know it bothered him, and I know it bothered the public and probably added to the disenchantment and the crumbling of his public image in Cleveland – which is unfair, really, because he did a lot of good for the city.” 

Max Collins, author of four novels about Ness, believes the crimefighter may have actually solved the case, but at a crippling cost to his honor. 

A popular theory has Ness discovering that the killer was a member of a prominent local family. Lacking sufficient evidence to prosecute the man, Ness supposedly cut a deal in which the suspect was committed to a mental institution for life. 

Collins says Ness may have been forced into the deal by the same local movers and shakers who funded his undercover anti-corruption campaign. “When they presented the bill, when Ness had to cover-up the identity of the Butcher because he came from a well-to-do family, it would have been a staggering blow.” 

Without drawing a single drop of blood, the Mad Butcher may have claimed his 13th victim in Cleveland. 

But for Ness, who’d already spent most of his life atop a pedestal, there would soon be other ways of falling off. 

Such a good boy, this Eliot Ness. His mother once said, “He was so terribly good that he never got a spanking.” 

This son of Norwegian immigrants, raised largely by his mother and sisters because his father spent long hours at their Chicago bakery, grew up a shy loner; “Elegant Mess” his classmates taunted, for Ness’s carefully groomed appearance and aloofness. 

But he blossomed into a dashing lady’s man in high school and college, and still had the charm when he came to Cleveland with his first wife, Edna, his college sweetheart. 

Ness was divorced twice, and married three times during his 20-year tenure in Cleveland. 

“He was handsome and charming, very quiet and witty, just as nice as anyone could possibly be,” says Marjorie Mutersbaugh, 93, of Rocky River, who became a close acquaintance of Ness and his third wife, Elisabeth 

“They were so congenial,” Mutersbaugh recalls. “Betty said one time she had never been so happy in her life as when she was married to him.” 

Ness also was social whirlwind. By day, he’d hit the downtown hot spots with big-name bands, like the Lotus Gardens and Golden Pheasant; by night, dining and dancing at the Cleveland Hotel or Hollenden House, or making the rounds of private parties. 

When the badge came off, people discovered the safety director actually had a mischievous sense of humor. 

“He loved practical jokes,” says Dan T. Moore, 89, of Cleveland Heights, a friend and business associate of Ness. He recalled that Ness would invite a seven-foot-tall woman to his parties, then pair her up with the shortest man in the room, just for laughs. 

They were fun times, says housekeeper Corrine Lawson. “We used to have nice parties, and they always had a crowd. He was a party man, a party man, and all the women were just crazy about him.” 

Not that he didn’t have a few quirks. Lawson says Ness was strictly a meat-and-potatoes man. Strictly. Couldn’t stand vegetables or spices. 

“I once asked him, “How about a tossed salad?’ And he said, `Well, you go ahead and mix it up, and I’ll toss it out the window.’ 

She remembers Ness’s nervous habit of biting his fingernails to the quick, or constantly flipping his “lucky” coin in the air. 

Ness rarely carried a gun, and only kept a .22-caliber rifle in a closet at home. But some of the old habits died hard. Lawson says that whenever Ness entered a room, “he always kept his back to the wall.” 

Otherwise, there was never a hint of scandal, never even an argument or raised voice in the Ness household. 

But Ness drank. And drank heavily, Lawson says. “He always had scotch and soda. He loved his Cutty Sark.” 

In his defense, McFarland points out that back then, drinking wasn’t quite the taboo it is today; considered, after the debacle of Prohibition, “not only proper but socially acceptable.” 

It might not have even mattered until that night in 1942 when Ness skidded on an icy street, and never stopped sliding. 

Ness and his second wife, Evaline, had been out partying downtown until 4:30 a.m. when they finally hit the road … and Robert Sims. 

No one was seriously injured and Ness went home, unaware that Sims had identified the safety director’s distinctive license plate, EN-1, to police. The next day, it was headline news. 

As public criticism mounted, Cleveland’s newly elected Mayor Frank Lausche summoned the safety director to his office. 

The following morning, April 30, 1942, Ness resigned; ostensibly to assume new duties as director of the Federal Social Protection Program, but some suspected the scandal was just too much for even Lausche’s largesse. 

With America embroiled in World War II, it became Ness’s job to stamp out prostitution and venereal disease at military installations across the country. Mother Ness’s good boy would be saving other good boys for Uncle Sam. 

As the war entered its final years and the Social Protection Program disbanded, Ness launched the second phase of his career aboard a slowly sinking ship. 

Through social contacts in Cleveland, Ness met the daughter of the majority shareholder of the Diebold Safe & Lock Co. in Canton, and was subsequently installed as chairman of the company’s board of directors. 

For a time, it was smooth sailing. 

On the business front, Ness reorganized, diversified and expanded Diebold’s product line. He also joined Dan Moore in an import-export business, the Middle East Co. 

On the homefront, Ness’s second marriage, which fell apart during his term in Washington, ended in divorce. A year later he wed Elisabeth, and the couple soon adopted a 3-year-old boy, Robert; Ness’s first and only child. 

Life should have been full, but it wasn’t. Not for the old dragon-slayer. “Ness felt a growing restlesssness and an unshakable desire to return to public life,” wrote biographer Paul Heimel. 

So he ran for mayor in 1947, to the stunned shock of friends and family. 

Moore says Ness was no politician. “His idea of campaigning was to stand at the corner of E. 9th St. and Euclid Ave. and shake people’s hands … He thought he could make it work by sheer force of personality.” 

George Condon , former Plain Dealer columnist and author, covered Ness’s campaign and recently said it was a foregone conclusion, even to the candidate. 

“He knew he didn’t have a chance. His timing was terrible. He should’ve run back in ’41, but he waited too long. His name had slipped out of the public’s memory. A lot of the old glamor had faded away, and he was running against a very successful mayor (Thomas Burke) with a great personality.” 

Ness was soundly drubbed, 168,412 to 85,990, but his troubles had only just begun. Diebold executives, still resentful of Ness’s sudden appointment years earlier, took advantage of his absence while campaigning to oust him from the firm. 

The import-export business fell apart, and even Moore had to admit that if Ness was a poor politician, he was an even worse businessman. 

“He was no businessman at all. He had no instinct for it. He was completely out of his element, and it was so obvious to everybody but Eliot.” 

“He used to constantly say, when things weren’t going well, `What we need here is a break.’ Well, he sure didn’t get too many breaks.’ 

Suddenly Ness was scrambling for work; selling electronic parts, personal security alarms, and burger patties to restaurants. Nothing panned out. 

Ness finally landed a job with the Guaranty Paper and Fidelty Check Corporations, whose watermarking process showed promise of thwarting counterfeiters, and moved with the firm to Coudersport, Pa., where most of the investors lived. 

What he needed here was a break. He didn’t get one. 

The check-printing company unraveled, and the only dim light at the end of the tunnel seemed to be the manuscript that he and wire service reporter Oscar Fraley were working on, recounting Ness’s days as a Prohibition agent in Chicago. 

The book, “The Untouchables,” was due to be published just a few months from that hot afternoon of May 16, 1957, when Ness brought home a bottle of scotch, went to the kitchen sink for a glass of water and suddenly fell to the floor, dead of a heart attack at age 54. 

There were the expected, posthumous accolades. 

“A courageous, competent public official with the utmost integrity, completely devoted to duty,” said his former boss, Harold Burton. 

But perhaps the most telling testament was revealed when it was found that Ness died with only $900 in assets, including $275 in his checking account and a rusty ’52 Ford, and $8,000 in debts … no surer proof that the famed Untouchable had remained just that, to the very end. 

Elisabeth Ness and her son moved back to Cleveland where she worked as a sculptor and store clerk, while living with her former housekeeper, Corrine Lawson. 

Elisabeth Ness died of cancer in 1977, a year after her son, Robert, who had stayed in Cleveland and became an electronics technician, died of leukemia. 

There never was a marker or statue erected to honor Cleveland’s most famous safety director … until now. 

Perhaps because none was needed – at least not to those who knew the real story of Eliot Ness. 

It was, as Corrine Lawson says, “a sad story, a real sad story.” 

Biographer Paul Heimel agrees. “His life was a sad story, and I think the sadness continues today with the legend and myth so distorted at the expense of the real story.

“He always seemed not to get the credit he deserved, yet so continually sought.” 

But to Rebecca McFarland, this is the lesson to be learned beyond the tragic end, and shortcomings, usually omitted from the legend of Eliot Ness. 

It’s a lesson that lies in his accomplishments in Cleveland; in the workings of today’s police, fire and public safety departments that Ness set in motion 50 years ago. 

As McFarland notes, “When you start learning the real truth behind the man, in this case, fact is more fascinating than fiction.”

Perry Drives British From Lake Erie

Plain Dealer article written by Bob Rich and published on August 13, 1995


PERRY DRIVES BRITISH FROM LAKE ERIE

Author: BOB RICH

The War of 1812 is one of those half-forgotten wars in American history. The results were inconclusive and left the raw young country with very little to cheer about.


But for the little log-cabin village of Cleveland, it was a life-or-death matter. Villagers weren’t concerned about an invasion of British troops. The fear was of a British-inspired Indian attack on this thinly settled, undefended part of the western frontier. 

There might have been a collective guilty conscience operating here, also. Just a few weeks before the war broke out, a boisterous crowd had watched the hanging in Public Square of an Indian convicted of murdering white trappers. 

Congress declared war on Great Britain June 18, 1812; 10 days later, an express rider galloped into Cleveland with the news from Washington. Cleveland’s and Newburgh’s militias promptly formed – 50 men each – every man in his own “citizen suit,” and with his own rifle or shotgun. 

By August, the whole linchpin of America’s western frontier defense collapsed when Gen. William Hull surrendered Detroit to the British. Cleveland panicked. Rumors of British warships on Lake Erie and British offers inciting Indians to the warpath sent the citizens running for the hills of rival villages. 

But 30 Clevelanders swore they would die rather than give up their tiny Fort Huntington, on the bluff where W. 3rd St. and Lakeside Ave. meet. Julianna Long, Dr. David Long’s wife, and two other women wouldn’t abandon the garrison. She “could nurse the sick and wounded, encourage and comfort those who could fight; at any rate, she would not by her example, encourage disgraceful flight.” 

By June 1813, it began to look like the garrison might have to live up to its vow when two British warships appeared off the mouth of the Cuyahoga to bombard the shipworks along the shore. Cleveland shipbuilders had been cutting down the dense forests around the village for lake schooners and had supplied the Navy with the 60-ton brig “Ohio,” a strong addition to Commodore Perry’s Lake Erie fleet. 

British firepower was about to put an end to this war industry when Lake Erie came through with one of its notorious summer squalls. Crashing waves pounded the hulls of the British ships, rattled their masts, and probably their morale, too. The next morning, when a thick fog lifted off the lake, the British were gone. 

They were next heard from Sept. 10, 1813, when Oliver Hazard Perry’s fleet, with heavier guns, took them on in Put-in-Bay off Sandusky in the famous Battle of Lake Erie. Clevelanders swore afterward they could hear the cannon fire 60 miles away. His message to Gen. William Henry Harrison, commander in chief of the northwestern army, reflects his pride and exuberance: “We have met the enemy and they are ours, two ships, two brigs, one schooner and one sloop.” 

The battle became legend, and the victory lifted the British threat from the Great Lakes. 

When peace came in 1814, Cleveland went wild. Public Square was packed with an excited, drunken, noisy crowd. 

Another era ended that same year. Lorenzo Carter, Cleveland’s real founder, frontiersman, trader and adventurer, would die, and one of those dynamic Connecticut Yankees, Alfred Kelly, would lead Cleveland into a new, exciting future. 

It certainly didn’t look that way at the time. Kelly had come to the village in 1810, became the first practicing attorney, and was elected to the state legislature in 1814. He quickly saw to it that Cleveland was incorporated as a village, which at the time extended from Erie (E. 9th St.) west to the Cuyahoga, and Huron St. north to the lake. 

It still looked like a transplanted New England village with its frame houses set around Public Square, no more or less important than say, Lorain or Sandusky. In fact, the rivers in the latter two towns worked a lot better than the Cuyahoga. A sandbar reached out from the eastern shore of Lake Erie, blocked the harbor and forced ships to unload their cargoes offshore. The water at the river mouth was 3 to 4 feet, motionless, filled with trash and garbage – a breeding ground for typhoid fever, cholera and malaria. 

Here’s what the future great educator Harvey Rice would say about his arrival in September 1824, on a schooner from Buffalo: “A sand-bar prevented the schooner from entering the river … The jolly boat was let down … and we were rowed over the sandbar into the placid waters of the river, and landed on the end of a row of planks that stood on stilts and bridged the marshy brink of the river, to the foot of Union Lane. Here we were left standing with our trunks on the wharf-end of a plank at midnight, strangers in a strange land.” 

Rice describes Public Square as “begemmed with stumps, while near its center glowed its crowning jewel, a log courthouse. The eastern border of the Square was skirted by the native forest, which abounded in rabbits and squirrels, and afforded the villagers a `happy hunting-ground.’ The entire population at that time didn’t exceed 400 souls. The town, even at that time, was proud of itself, and called itself, the `Gem of the West.’ 

A year later, in 1825, Congress would vote funds for clearing the river and harbor, which would make a phenomenal difference, but it would be awhile before Cleveland would become a gem of the West.

When Cleveland Almost Went a Bridge Too Far

Plain Dealer article written by Bob Rich and published on September 17, 1995

 

WHEN CLEVELAND ALMOST WENT A BRIDGE TOO FAR

Author: Bob Rich

 

Like two Balkan nations, Cleveland and Ohio City existed in a state of uneasy truce in 1837; but there was big trouble brewing, and it was coming to a head over a bridge. 

In 1822, when the Cuyahoga River could only be crossed by boat, the towns jointly built a float bridge from the foot of Detroit Ave. to the foot of Superior St. That was the end of their cooperation, however. 

A few years later, the Ohio Canal opened and created a boom for both communities. The river banks were lined with forwarding and commission houses, ship chandlers, merchants and artisans. Hundreds of wagons of produce from the south and west would run along Pearl Rd. and pass through Ohio City before crossing over the jointly owned float bridge at the foot of Detroit to ship their goods out of the port of Cleveland. 

West Side merchants and saloons prospered as much as their East Side counterparts when more than 1,900 sailing vessels and steamboats would weigh in at Cleveland Harbor in a year’s time. 

Cleveland grew to a population of 6,000 by 1836, with little Ohio City at 2,000, but when both communities raced to become the first city incorporated in Cuyahoga County, the West Side won the title by a few days. All the old bitterness emerged. 

There were other needles under East Siders’ skins: West Side developers were planning an 80-acre development in the Flats and were talking of digging another channel from the river so they could have their own harbor. They built a fine five-story hotel, the Ohio City Exchange, which came to dominate the whole area socially. The hotel’s dome lights were kept lighted all night, serving as a landmark and a guide for ships coming into Cleveland Harbor. 

Some East Siders, with an appalling lack of civic loyalty, were scheduling banquets and balls in the great new edifice. New arrivals in the Western Reserve were bypassing the East Side and buying desirable West Side lots just like in the old pioneer days. 

Then two buccaneering real estate speculators brought things to an explosive head. James Clark and his partner, Cleveland’s first city mayor, John Willey, bought up land ringing Ohio City to the south and west, built improvements on it, and extended Columbus St. from the West Side to the Cuyahoga River south of the Detroit Ave. float bridge. 

There, for $15,000, they built a roofed, enclosed drawbridge. The city director proclaimed, “This splendid bridge was presented to the corporation of Cleveland by the owners with the express stipulation that it should remain forever free for the accommodation of the public …” 

Traffic from the south could now be led up to Ontario and Prospect streets, where the partners had built commercial properties called Cleveland Centre. This may have had something to do with their high-minded community spirit. 

To encourage the traffic bypass even more, Cleveland City Council (remember, Willey was the mayor) directed the removal of the Cleveland half of the Detroit Ave. float bridge. 

“This act was performed one night while the Ohio citizens lay dreaming of future municipal greatness,” historian James Kennedy wrote 100 years ago. “And when the morning mists arose from over the valley of the Cuyahoga, they saw their direct communication gone, and realized that to reach the courthouse and other points of interest in Cleveland, they would be compelled to travel southward, and make use of the hated Columbus St. bridge.” 

At dawn the first morning the bridge section was gone, horse-drawn wagons from the West Side had to be desperately reined in before they plunged into the river. 

Now the dogs of war were let loose. “Two bridges or none!” became the West Side war cry. The Ohio City marshal and his deputies tried to dynamite their end of the Columbus St. bridge; when that fizzled, 1,000 West Siders descended on it with picks, axes, clubs and muskets, and were busily ripping up planks when the Cleveland militia arrived to join the melee. 

Shots were fired, heavy blows exchanged. Fortunately, the Cuyahoga County sheriff called a halt to the battle before anyone was killed. 

The courts eventually settled the matter in favor of two bridges, and both towns have mixed freely ever since.

Hanna Was At The Forefront of U.S., City Politics

Plain Dealer article written by Bob Rich and published on March 17, 1996

 

HANNA WAS AT THE FOREFRONT OF U.S., CITY POLITICS

Author: BOB RICH
You can’t talk about the political history of the United States or Cleveland in the late 19th century without taking Mark Hanna’s career and times into account. 

He was more than just Tom Johnson’s chief antagonist during the early years of the street railway wars. He was the Boss of Bosses of the Republican Party, the man who could make a president, tough, brilliant and ruthless. 

And Mark Hanna was nobody’s hired puppet; he firmly believed that if Big Business was left alone to make big profits, it would employ more workers, pay them better wages, and they in turn would buy more American goods, keeping the wheels turning in a beautiful circle. Later generations would call this the “trickle-down theory.” 

Hanna was born to prosperous New Lisbon, Ohio, parents, Dr. Leonard and Samantha Hanna, who moved to Cleveland in 1852 when the Ohio Canal bypassed their town. Mark was 16 years old when he attended Central High School, where his classmates included the Rockefeller brothers, William and John D., and the latter’s future bride, Laura Spelman. 

Young Hanna enrolled at Western Reserve College in Hudson in 1857, and departed after only four months to his and the college’s mutual relief; apparently, the college didn’t appreciate his practical jokes. 

Mark got a job in his family’s wholesale grocery and commission house business in the Flats, where he kept the books, acted as purser on their lake steamers, and was a traveling salesman through Indiana, Ohio, and Illinois. 

Mark Hanna cast his first Republican vote in 1860 for Abraham Lincoln, and wanted to enlist a year later when the Civil War broke out. But he was the only one who knew the family business inside out; he stayed, and brother Howard joined the army. 

Mark met Charlotte Augusta Rhodes of Franklin Circle at a bazaar about a year later, and she returned his affections. But she was the daughter of Dan Rhodes, the richest coal-and-iron merchant in town and the town’s leading Democrat, and he didn’t want his daughter to marry any “damned black Republican.” True love and Cleveland society, who wanted this match, persevered; Mark and Charlotte were married at St. John’s Episcopal church in September 1864. 

Now Hanna set to work building a business empire: lake steamers, iron ore, his father-in-law’s coal mines, oil refining – and Cleveland politics. But here he found that he couldn’t interest his friends in, say, a Republican caucus, and he bored them by pushing them to attend political meetings or give up their duck-hunting and go to the polls on Election Day. Years later, he would say, “Your newspapers used to gas about the great excitement of some election … and then we had to hire livery hacks to get the voters to come and vote!” 

Local Republican machine politics infuriated him with their buying and selling of immigrant votes, so much so, in fact, that he and some fellow Republicans bolted the party in 1873 to help elect a reputable Democratic mayor. 

That was the year that the worst financial panic in America’s history – up to that point – broke out. Hundreds of thousands were thrown out of work as banks and stock markets collapsed, and businesses, mines and railroads failed. The price of coal, along with everything else, plummeted. When mine owners cut wages, a new coal miners union was organized and sent delegates to beg the owners for living wages. Only Mark Hanna even listened to them, and offered to help them. He had formed a coal operators association and believed in what would now be called collective bargaining. Hanna also believed, his son said in later years, “that some corporations and large industrial concerns were deliberately bleeding their workmen as a matter of selfish economy.” 

When operators reduced wages again in 1876 – against Hanna’s advice – the union couldn’t keep the men from striking. Two of Hanna’s mines were set on fire, the militia was called out, and a company employee shot. Hanna found himself, as head of the operators association, with the responsibility of seeing that 23 half-starved miners were punished by law. 

No reputable lawyer from the mine counties would touch the case except one: Major William McKinley of Canton, a staunch Republican who was being mentioned as a congressional candidate. McKinley would win his clients’ freedom – and he would win something much more that would change his life forever: the respect and admiration of his courtroom opponent, Marcus Alonzo Hanna.


Boss Hanna

Plain Dealer article written by Bob Rich and published on Sunday April 7, 1996

BOSS HANNA

 

Author: BOB RICH

 

Teddy Roosevelt once said of Mark Hanna that, “The oddest thing about Hanna was that numbers of intelligent people thought him a fool …” 

Well, Mark Hanna WAS a very complex man who became to political cartoonists the embodiment of the bloated, corrupt, political boss, representing the rich against the worker. 

The Hearst papers characterized him as the Red Boss of Cleveland politics, ruling the city from his office, terrorizing unions and ruining rival street railways … “He sent poor sailors out to sea on his ships on the wintry Lakes, cold and starving, unpaid and mutinous. He had corrupted Gov. William McKinley’s government, etc.” 

And yet, according to his biographer, Thomas Beer, when fellow Republican George Pullman brought on a very violent general strike in 1894 by his refusal to negotiate with his workers, Hanna raged against him publicly in the Union Club: “The damned idiot ought to arbitrate! What did he think he was doing? A man who won’t meet his men halfway is a [expletive] fool.” And this was the same man who lent his money to Union veterans so they could attend Ulysses Grant’s funeral in New York. 

In 1894, Mark Hanna, president of a bank, director of street railways, partner in three rolling mills, executive in a ship-building company, gave up all these businesses to devote himself full time to getting his friend, Ohio’s Gov. William McKinley, elected president of the United States. 

By the time the Republican convention gathered in 1896, Mark Hanna’s organizing ability and drive, and $100,000 spent out of his own pocket, had already sewn up a majority of the delegates for his candidate. Then came the amazing, so-called “Front Porch” presidential campaign. McKinley didn’t want to campaign away from his invalid wife, and he couldn’t match Democratic candidate William Jennings Bryan’s oratory, so Hanna moved the campaign to his front porch in Canton. The governor made dozens of speeches a day to large crowds brough in by the railroads at discount rates. According to Cleveland historian George Condon, Hanna flooded the country with 30 million pieces of McKinley literature a week, had his face on drinking mugs, posters, badges, spoons and lapel buttons. Little boys sang: “McKinley drinks soda water, Bryan drinks rum; McKinley is a gentleman, Bryan is a bum!” 

Successful? McKinley won the 1896 election by more than 600,000 votes. 

The new president, and his “political prime minister,” as one observer called Hanna, upset the accepted wisdom when the president appointed political moderates to his Cabinet, and paid very little attention to Wall Street. Everybody figured Hanna wanted to be secretary of the Treasury, but he said to a friend, “Me in the Cabinet? All the newspapers would have cartoons of me stealing the White House kitchen stove!” 

What he did want was to be U.S. senator from Ohio so he could help his great friend McKinley be a successful president. This was neatly arranged by the appointment of Ohio’s Sen. John Sherman as secretary of state, and having the Republican governor of Ohio appoint Hanna to succeed him for the remaining year of his term. 

But that year was soon up, and Hanna at the age of 60 – a man who had never faced a voter – was going to have to face election before the Ohio Assembly – that’s the way it was done then. 

The campaign turned out to be just possibly the meanest, nastiest, most bitterly fought senatorial election in American history. Biographer Herbert Croly, says, “He [Hanna] was portrayed as a monster of sordid greed, as the embodiment of all that was worst in American politics and business.” 

Hanna campaigned across the state, speaking in large cities and small towns; audiences liked his blunt, plain-spoken ways. 

In January of 1898, with the state Assembly ready to vote, this is how Croly saw it: “Columbus came to resemble a medieval city given over to an angry feud between armed partisans. Blows were exchanged in hotels and on the streets. There were threats of assassination. Timid men feared to go out after dark …” The 73 legislators who were committed to Mark Hanna were marched under armed guard to the Statehouse to vote for their man and give him a three-vote margin of victory! 

Mark Hanna’s star would never shine brighter!

A Strong Will Gave Birth to Cleveland Orchestra

Plain Dealer article written by Bob Rich and published on April 28, 1991

 

A STRONG WILL GAVE BIRTH TO CLEVELAND ORCHESTRA

Plain Dealer, The (Cleveland, OH) – Sunday, April 28, 1996
Author: BOB RICH

Everything was up to date in Cleveland when the Cleveland Orchestra gave its first performance at Grays Armory on Dec. 11, 1918, under the baton of Nikolai Sokoloff – exactly one month after the armistice ending World War I. 

According to the local papers, you could buy a Cadillac that could make it to the West Coast in 11 days. No price was mentioned – after all, Cadillac buyers shouldn’t ask. Men’s madras shirts at the May Co. were $1.85, flannel shirts $5. The Winton Hotel’s Rainbow Room and the Statler Hotel were advertising for New Year’s Eve parties. Shubert’s Colonial Theater was staging David Belasco’s “The Wanderer,” with a company of 125, a ballet of 50, and a flock of sheep! 

But if you could afford the 25-cent admission price, the young, Russian-born conductor gave you a little shot of everything, opening with Victor Herbert, going on to Bizet, Tchaikovsky and Liadov, and closing with Liszt. 

The gods and the critics were smiling on the orchestra that night. James Rogers, The Plain Dealer critic, found it “of excellent quality,” and Sokoloff “a leader of capacity and resources. He hitches his chariot to a star.” Wilson Smith of the Cleveland Press said delightedly, “Cleveland has at last a symphony orchestra.” 

It hadn’t been an easy start-up. Only the determination of a very strong-willed lady, Adella Prentiss Hughes, would be able to take a grimy, brawling industrial town and turn it into a city that would someday be renowned as a music center. 

Her timing was good – the conservative Euclid Ave. industrial elite were ready to pour their money back into the community. Cleveland had overtaken Cincinnati to become the largest city in Ohio, but it wasn’t in the same class, culturally speaking. The Queen City had been manufacturing pianos as far back as 1820, had established a Conservatory of Music in 1867 and founded its symphony in 1895. 

By contrast, the most important building in Cleveland was the Standard Oil Co.’s Refinery No. 1. 

It took Hughes many years of fund-raising, of booking subscription concerts with the help of her philanthropist friends, of hiring a talented young conductor and local musicians. And then, when all was finally ready by September of 1918, everything fell apart when a killer flu struck. 

“What war with all its terrors could not accomplish has yet been brought to pass,” wrote The Plain Dealer. “Not Germans, but microbes have put the music-makers to flight.” Schools and colleges shut their doors; public gatherings were forbidden. But the plague lifted, and so did Cleveland’s spirits that December night in 1918. 

Then the promotion started; Hughes and Sokoloff wanted to reach the whole family, children and businessmen. The string quartet went to public concerts and private musicales; recordings were made on the Brunswick label and broadcast on WTAM Radio. They held music memory contests for schoolchildren, pioneered in public school concerts. The orchestra was proclaimed a force for Americanization, and a women’s committee was organized that went after the suburbs; the audiences grew. 

Hard-sell ads were run: “If you have civic pride, patronize our Cleveland Orchestra.” Popular programs were described in a 1923 ad as “pre-eminently concerts for the businessman.” Another said, “Next Sunday at Masonic Hall you can hear 90 artists for the price of a ticket to a movie. Don’t you want to hear a Strauss waltz, familiar opera selections, a lovely soloist, and a gorgeous orchestral piece that describes a battle? … All this for 50 cents?” 

By the time the orchestra’s brand-new Severance Hall opened its doors in February 1931, musical director Sokoloff was becoming an increasingly lonely figure up on his new podium. The maestro was caught between pleasing established conservative tastes and trying to showcase new American and European composers. And then he was a little old-fashioned with his high collars, his flamboyant, theatrical method of conducting. 

One glimpse into his character: In 1930 he had contributed $100 to the cause of repealing Prohibition, whereupon Billy Sunday denounced him from the pulpit of the Euclid Ave. Baptist Church as a “dirty foreigner” for attempting to overthrow Prohibition. Sokoloff promptly doubled his contribution. But the old optimism was gone from this workingman’s city, where the Depression had thrown many thousands out of work. 

The plaintive tune, “Brother, Can You Spare a Dime?” said more about Cleveland’s musical tastes than anything the maestro could whip up on the stage. When his contract wasn’t renewed in 1932, the loyal Hughes stepped down as orchestra manager, but stayed with the Musical Arts Association, which runs the orchestra, until she died in 1950. 

The man who took over the baton was Artur Rodzinski, who came to Cleveland at the peak of his career. He was 41, charming, sophisticated, and had more talent than he had the self-discipline to control. But for all the uproar the maestro created during his 10-year stay, he brought national artistic stature to the orchestra and city.

The Great Lakes Exposition. Boxing Cats, Aquadudes and a 90-Pound Sturgeon

Plain Dealer article written by Debbie Snook and run on June 2, 1991

 

THE GREAT LAKES EXPOSITION. BOXING CATS, AQUADUDES AND A 90-POUND STURGEON.

Plain Dealer, The (Cleveland, OH) – Sunday, June 2, 1991

Author: Debbi Snook Plain Dealer Writer: THE PLAIN DEALER


Cleveland: Party town. Tourist mecca. Convention center. The Best Location in the Nation.

 

No kidding, that’s the way it was in 1936 and 1937, when the city played host to the Great Lakes Exposition, a festival to beat all Cleveland festivals. We’re talking World’s Fair caliber here, but with a uniquely Midwestern blend of industrial might, ethnic pride and carnival hootchy-kootchy.

 

For two glorious summers, more than 7 million people passed through turnstiles to the city’s 135-acre lakeside playland. Four million of them came from out of town, many magnetized by Kiwanis-styled conventions and factory-wide excursions. Those from the eight lakes states, producers of 60% of the world’s machine tools, were drawn by ambassadorial fervor.

 

They came by car, bus, trolley, plane, boat – even blimp. They filled hotels to bulging, spilling out into the 25,000 city-inspected rooms in private homes. They spent $70 million and created more than 11,000 jobs. And they went home, city officials hoped, absolutely burping with satisfaction over Cleveland’s biggest party.

 

The success of Chicago’s Century of Progress only a few years earlier had not gone unnoticed. Cleveland, like other cities, was aching from the effects of the Great Depression, perhaps doubly humiliated remembering the manufacturing muscle it once had.

 

So many jobs had been lost here, and the tax base so shriveled, that the city budget had been trimmed to the bone. After one year on the job, Public Safety Director Eliot Ness was still knee-deep in racketeers and police corruption. Some centennial.

 

Clevelanders needed to look up again. An expo plan was hatched, and the city’s business leaders came up with more than $1 million to make it happen. Municipal Stadium was already in place, built only four years earlier, and the federally funded Works Progress Administration would provide the $178,000 and 100 men necessary to create a 3-acre lakeside garden and reflecting pool.

 

After 80 days of additional construction, the exposition sprawled from St. Clair at Cleveland Public Hall, down a half-mile to the Stadium, then east along Lake Erie all the way to East 22nd Street.

 

Out of the rubble of a former dump rose a small city of 201 glowing, curving Art Deco-styled buildings. One writer called it “a city of ivory, a new Baghdad risen in the desert,” when Baghdad still was considered desirably exotic.

 

Visually, the expo was at once soothing and stimulating, a blossoming of curvilinear architecture, Bauhaus towers and geometric lettering. The Sherwin-Williams band shell was a bubble of white, concentric circles; the roof line of the Horticultural Building was stacked like the top three tiers of an ocean liner, and the Court of the Presidents sported a dozen erect silver eagles, each 16 feet high.

 

General Electric sent its Nela Park team, pioneers in fluorescence, to light the expo. They beamed moonlight blue from 70-foot pylons, bathed the band shell in a rainbow, and backlit the Marine Theater with a fan-shaped “aurora borealis” of eight peach-colored searchlights. A 50,000-watt light bulb made its debut after three other cities failed to come up with enough juice to turn it on. Daily, the expo used as much power as the city of Lakewood.

 

An Epcot Center of its time, the expo dazzled with technology, giving Clevelanders their first glimpse of television, a chance to hear their own tape-recorded voices, views of a 125-ton ladle for molten steel and a solar-powered light bulb. Waiting lines snaked out the door.

 

Manufacturers were not shy. Their exhibits ranged in size from Firestone, which sponsored an entire building, to a small booth showing off the latest in electric, pants-pressing gadgetry.

 

The state of Florida erected a small plantation, complete with white mansion and a transplanted grove of fruit-bearing orange trees. Inside were tropical birds, fish and bimonthly shipments of grapefruit and kumquats. Just in case a visitor had a hard time getting in the mood, atomizers regularly spritzed the interior with essence of orange blossom.

 

The popular entertainment of the mid-1930s was big-band jazz and exotic musicals. Shirley Temple and Fred Astaire were box-office royalty, and Americans spent 4 hours a day listening to the radio. Manufacturers introduced nylon stockings, falsies and Spam.

 

Expo entertainment was a microcosm of the times, highbrow and lowbrow.

 

Eighty members of the Cleveland Orchestra moonlighted to form the Great Lakes Orchestra. The Cleveland Museum of Art set aside its second floor for massive exhibits of European and American masterpieces. And rose growers galore amassed 10,000 blooms for a two-week display at the expo gardens.

 

The biggest draw was Billy Rose’s Aquacade, a 160-foot stage that floated out from the lakeshore and featured 200 singers, dancers and swimmers, dubbed Aquagals and Aquadudes. Many were local high school students hired to create an elaborately dressed chorus for daily performances by Johnny (Tarzan) Weissmuller, former Olympian Eleanor Holm and an occasional gunboat.

 

The Aquacade’s 5,000 seats were often filled, half with stageside diners. More than 30 out-of-town theater critics showed up to review the watery musical, and Paramount Pictures adopted a similar staging for its 1938 Jack Benny film, “Artists and Models Abroad.” Rose sued, charging plagiarism.

 

Cleveland’s 25% foreign-born population flourished in the “Streets of the World” exhibit, setting up cafes and gift shops in 40 replicas of ethnic homes. The Cleveland News ran a “big family” contest for each nationality, and invited winners to chow down at the cafe of their choice.

 

Public Hall became, temporarily, the largest radio studio in the world, with 13,000 seats for several live national broadcasts.

 

The rest ranged somewhere between the everyday and the fantastical, between Victorian innocence and dance hall sleaze. Expo-goers saw snake shows, a submarine, preserved human embryos, car-driving monkeys and boxing cats – complete with satin jackets, mini boxing gloves and a third-round knockdown.

 

There were 42-minute Shakespearean plays, a midget circus, singing cotton pickers, a working blast furnace, a 4,000-pound aerial bomb and a working farm. Also, Chinese walking fish, a Matterhorn replica, sneezing comic Hildegarde Halliday, a working oil refinery, Lincoln’s deathbed, eight 260-pound ballerinas and Sammy, the 90-pound sturgeon.

 

Lives were changed by the expo. Rose married Holm after his divorce from Fanny Brice. Eight-foot, four-inch Alfred Tomaine, “The Tallest Man in the World,” married Jeanie Weeks, “The Legless Girl.” Florida exhibit worker “Whistling” Willie Williams went on “Major Bowes’ Amateur Hour” and wished for a tub and a set of spats. He got laughs, four tubs and “more spats than he could ever use.”

 

Not all expo times were good. Glenn and Karlena Stewart of East 79th Street charged the owners of the dinner ship SS Moses Cleaveland with racial discrimination, claiming they were refused service. A group of upstate New York Indians sought help from the U.S. attorney when they were refused their final week’s pay.

 

Twenty-one-inch tall Inez Del Rio, 17, tripped and fell off the stage during a dance number and cracked her head on the pavement. Fire swallower Dan Nagyfy was admitted to St. Luke’s Hospital, suffering from chemical poisoning.

 

Last but not least, redheaded fan dancer Toto Leverne threw herself off the East 9th Street Pier, despondent over accusations that she was amoral. The event happened on the same day the French Casino’s press agent failed to persuade Cleveland police to raid the joint. News cameramen just happened to be there when Leverne, dripping wet and half-clad, was fished out of Lake Erie and shipped off for a brief stay at the hospital.

 

Some expo visitors arrived famous. Singer Rudy Vallee noshed on chicken livers and flirted with Belgian dancers. President Franklin D. Roosevelt visited twice, his wife, Eleanor, making a beeline for the gardens. Photographer Margaret Bourke-White returned home to capture the expo on film.

 

Others on the celebrity list included industrialists Harvey Firestone and Henry Ford (arriving on his own train), painter Maxfield Parrish and entertainers Eddie Cantor, Ed Wynn, Kate Smith, Wallace Beery and Irene Rich.

 

No wonder the expo’s final night, September 26, 1937, drew thousands to hold hands, sing “Auld Lang Syne” and shed a few tears. Although private investors didn’t get all their money back, the expo was roundly declared a success.

 

Some wanted it to continue, but most of the buildings were not built to last, and the city, still hard pressed to feed the poor and keep its hospital in operation, had most of them demolished.

 

The last structure, the Horticultural Building, burned in 1941. Only the gardens remain, renamed for landscape architect Donald Gray. Some memorabilia exists at the Western Reserve Historical Society and in the hands of a few collectors.

 

The Great Lakes Exposition occurred nearly 55 years ago, and the percentage of Clevelanders who remember it grows smaller. But its impact back then was potent.

 

“Cleveland finally gave ’em something to talk about besides municipal woe,” wrote newspaperman Roelif Loveland.

 

The city hasn’t partied as hard since.

Teaching Cleveland Digital