Category: 1980’s – 1990’s
Cleveland Reacts to Call For Unity (Philadelphia Inquirer 10/26/89)
Excellent article from Philadelphia Inquirer than ran on October 26, 1989 just after the Democratic primary that summarizes the results of the election
Cleveland Reacts To Call For Unity
CLEVELAND — Union jackets and white faces filled the hall in the old 15th Ward last week, but the guy they were cheering wore neither. Instead, standing 5-foot-7 in his suit, round glasses and goatee, Mike White looked more than anything like a well-dressed Spike Lee.
“People of all backgrounds are saying, ‘Enough of the fighting, enough of the bickering,’ ” he told the applauding group of campaign volunteers. ”Let’s put this town together.”
Here on Cleveland’s West Side, land of pierogis and parochial schools, where “Stop Forced Busing” signs share lawn space with stone birdbaths, White is an unlikely hero. The 38-year-old black state senator is from the other side of a town that even boosters concede is one of the nation’s most segregated.
But White won a quarter of the vote here in a five-way mayoral primary Oct. 3, enough to make him the surprise contender in the Nov. 7 runoff and, according to most observers, the likely next mayor of Cleveland.
His second-place finish behind City Council President George Forbes in the nonpartisan primary made history in this gritty town, and not just because it guarantees that Cleveland will elect its second black mayor ever. In a city where politicians have traded on racial divisions for more than two decades, White appears to be succeeding with a message and style that transcend race.
A mid-October poll by the Cleveland Plain Dealer showed White leading Forbes, the tough-talking, iron-fisted boss of Cleveland’s predominantly black East Side, 46 percent to 27 percent. If White wins, it will be because enough voters on both sides of town see themselves as united rather than divided by their city’s agonizing problems, from drugs to bad schools to a declining middle class.
“It’s that appeal that (mayoral candidate David) Dinkins had in New York: Everybody’s not a racist; let’s get together. . . . His message was one of hope, and that’s all,” Roldo Bartimole, editor of a Cleveland political newsletter, said of White’s surprising primary campaign.
“We’ve had leaders whose stock in trade has been to maintain their own power by dividing the community,” White said after a recent day of campaigning. “White politicians who go to the white community and say, ‘Your enemies are black folks’; black politicians who go to the black community and say, ‘Your enemies are white folks’; then those two leaders go in the back room and make a deal while we’re fighting each other.”
His best example is Forbes, Cleveland City Council president for 16 years and a man considered at least equal in power to outgoing Mayor George V. Voinovich.
Known both for roughhousing his opponents – he threw a chair at a fellow councilman once and called one of his mayoral rivals a pimp – and for his ability to negotiate big deals for downtown development, Forbes has the backing of most of Cleveland’s major business and labor groups. But his base is on Cleveland’s East Side, whose voters he has courted for a quarter-century via a popular radio talk show, freely labeling white opponents bigots and black ones as Uncle Toms.
“He’s been a macho pol who’s yelled race whenever it’s been convenient,” said Bartimole. “If he were white,” added City Councilman Jay Westbrook, ”he’d be Frank Rizzo.”
Even Forbes himself admits that he’s been “projected as being a black racist,” though he calls that perception “not adequate.” He was the easy favorite in the primary and was expected to face one of three established white politicians in the runoff. White, a little-known state senator, was a long shot at best.
“Nobody anticipated that 25 percent of the white West Side would bypass a white county commissioner, the white clerk of courts and the white head of the school board to vote for Mike White,” said Carl Stokes, who was elected Cleveland’s first black mayor (the first in a major U.S. city) in 1967.
So far, the campaign has consisted of nasty charges that White beat his former wives and that he maintains slum property in black neighborhoods. A newsletter circulating on the East Side also labeled White a “beast among us” and called him the handpicked candidate of the white power structure.
Forbes has tried to soften his own blustery image, appearing in commercials with his family and arguing that his experience qualifies him to continue Cleveland’s struggling renaissance. Endorsements have also come from prominent black leaders, including Jesse Jackson – a move that White says belies Jackson’s populist image.
White said Jackson is “becoming nothing more than another rank black politician who cares more about his own political base than about black people in general.”
More articulate than Forbes, White has played on Forbes’ reputation for racial antagonism to paint himself as primarily an advocate for the city, rather than for blacks.
But taking that message to black voters challenges not only Forbes but also a political style rooted in the civil rights era, observers say.
“The phase of black politics that was launched here with Carl Stokes (was) a kind of patronage system which was kind of basic: Get blacks into jobs and get contracts moving toward black business people, without much thought to performance,” said Tom Bier, an urban studies professor at Cleveland State University.
“The next phase has to do with effectiveness. The aches and pains produced by poor performance are so strong that it just isn’t good enough to have a black person in the job. They’ve got to perform.”
Cleveland lost 175,000 people during the 1970s, after ghetto riots and court-ordered school busing prompted many middle-class whites to flee. In the ’80s, they were joined by thousands of middle-class blacks, leaving a city that has dropped from eighth-largest in the nation to about 25th. Its remaining population is about half white and half black.
Although its downtown has recently seen an influx of new office buildings, its schools are in desperate shape, public housing is miserable and neighborhood services on both sides of town have declined.
While even some of White’s supporters say his policies might not differ drastically from Forbes’ once in office, they argue that the city’s condition gives him a powerful set of issues with which to campaign. “Can anybody turn around an aging Midwestern industrial city that’s lost its middle class overnight? No,” said Jim Rokakis, who represents the 15th Ward on City Council. “But (White) will have a chance, more than George Forbes, to bring blacks and whites together.”
Mr. Ohio
From the Columbus Dispatch, December 12, 2010
Mr. Ohio
George V. Voinovich’s dedication to faith, family and state set the foundation for his unprecedented 43-year run in public office, including as a mayor, governor and senatorSUNDAY, DECEMBER 12, 2010 03:02 AM
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The Great Divide – from Cleveland Magazine
George Voinovich may be retiring at the end of the year (2010), but his time as mayor will live on as the defining moment of our political landscape. From the December, 2010 issue of Cleveland Magazine
Howard Metzenbaum from the Encyclopedia of Cleveland History
METZENBAUM, HOWARD MORTON (4 June 1917 – 12 March 2008), a staunchly liberal U.S. Senator during an era of conservative political ascendency associated with the presidency of Ronald Reagan. Born in Cleveland to Anna and Charles Metzenbaum, Howard balanced school work with business by fetching his neighbors’ groceries for tips. After graduating from Glenville High School, Metzenbaum attended The Ohio State University, where he would earn both bachelors (1939) and law degree (1941). Metzenbaum was able to pay his way through college by selling flowers outside of Ohio Stadium and along High Street, the University’s main thoroughfare. He would use his time off school in the summers to travel the state selling personal hygiene goods.
Although he received his law degree in 1941, Metzenbaum found his Jewish faith prevented potential law firms from hiring him. Facing bitter anti-Semitism, Metzenbaum returned to Cleveland and found employment representing more open minded labor union. Metzenbaum represented and filed tax returns for the Communications Workers of America and the International Association of Machinists before entering politics in 1943 by winning a seat in the Ohio House as a Democrat. Metzenbaum married Shirley Turoff on August 8, 1946. Metzenbaum used his success to catapult him into the Ohio Senate in 1947, but left politics in 1950 to pursue wealth in private enterprise.
Metzenbaum and lifelong friend Alva T. (Ted) Bonda founded Airport Parking Company of America (APCOA) in 1949. In 1951 they secured a contract to operate at CLEVELAND-HOPKINS INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT, inaugurating the airport parking industry. Metzenbaum earned his fortune through APCOA, eventually selling the business to International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT) in 1966. His business success allowed Mezenbaum to settle in the Shaker Heights suburban community with his wife. Shirley gave birth to four daughters during these years: Barbara, Susan, Shelley, and Amy.
The world of politics, however, always beckoned. In 1958, Metzenbaum earned political capital as the campaign manager for Stephen M. Young’s successful challenge to Republican Senator and former Vice-Presidential candidate (1944) John Bricker. Metzenbaum returned as Young’s campaign manager, successfully earning his candidate re-election in 1964. When Young announced he would not seek a third term, Metzenbaum readied his own candidacy for the 1970 election. Metzenbaum, however, faced a stiff challenge in the Democratic primary when astronaut John H. Glenn, Jr. announced his desire to seek the office as a Democrat. Although he narrowly defeated Glenn in the primary (49%-51%), Metzenbaum lost the general election to Republican candidate Robert Taft, Jr., heir to the Taft political family.
Undaunted, Metzenbaum returned to private business in Cleveland, where he and David Skylar purchased the suburban Cleveland chainSUN NEWSPAPERS. Fate handed Metzenbaum a US Senate seat in 1974, when Ohio’s Democratic Governor, Jack Gilligan, appointed Metzenbaum to fill the seat vacated by Senator William B. Saxbe, who had accepted Richard Nixon’s offer to serve as US Attorney General. The turn of events proved a mixed blessing, for Metzenbaum was forced to immediately defend the expiring seat in the 1974 Democratic primary. Again he faced John Glenn, but after a grueling campaign that lead to a permanent rift between the two men Glenn prevailed and went on to win the general election.
Two years later Metzenbaum successfully challenged Robert Taft in a rematch of the close 1970 campaign, winning the general election. Although three decades removed from his first stint in politics, Metzenbaum championed issues familiar to aging New Deal Democrats. Metzenbaum played a prominent role in the passage of legislation requiring advance notice of plant closing, known as the Worker Adjustment and Retraining Notification Act, various gun control laws, pension protection, safety standards for infant formula, and nutrition labels on food products. Metzenbaum’s staunchly liberal agenda attracted the ire of Republicans and even some fellow Democrats, but his fierce opposition to conservative legislation earned him a reputation as “Senator No.”
Metzenbaum was a master of the filibuster, often employing it to disrupt legislation he dubbed “Christmas tree bills,” decorated with pet projects or corporate loopholes. When his filibusters failed, Metzenbaum invented a new stalling tactic. When a two week filibuster against a bill to lift price controls on natural gas was broken, Metzenbaum loaded the bill with hundreds of amendments and demanded a roll-call vote on each one, effectively killing the legislation. Metzenbaum’s tactics earned him both respect and scorn from his colleagues on the Hill. While Senator Bob Dole referred to Metzenbaum as “the commissioner,” Senator Ted Stevens called him a “pain in the ass.”
Metzenbaum also attempted to bring a measure of culture to Washington, D.C. during his years in the Senate. His office was decorated with modern art and he often held mixers there where artists such as painter Robert Rauschenberg and folk singer Mary Travis were guests of honor for assembled lawmakers, lobbyists, and reporters. His frayed relationship with John Glenn soon thawed, too, when in 1983 Metzenbaum endorsed Glenn in his unsuccessful run for the Presidency. Glenn returned the favor, publicly defending Metzenbaum after Cleveland Mayor George Voinovich accused the Senator of being soft on child pornography during the 1988 election.
Metzenbaum continued to endure anti-Semitic remarks throughout his career. Metzenbaum?s fierce opposition to newly-elected President Regan’s nominees raised tensions on the Capital. Senator Ernest Hollings of South Carolina called Metzenbaum the “senator from B’nai Brith” on the Senate floor during the 1981 session, an astonishing insult in the otherwise sober , chamber. This and other events pushed Metzenbaum to advocate for anti-discrimination policy, such as the Howard M. Metzenbaum Multiethnic Placement Act of 1994, which prohibits federally-funded adoption agencies from delaying or denying child placement on the grounds of race or ethnicity.
Metzenbaum announced he would not seek a fourth term, making way for a run by his son-in-law, Joel Hyatt, who lost the general election to Republican Mike DeWine. Metzenbaum remained active during his retirement from elected office, serving as a part-time president of the non-profit Consumer Federation of America. He also served as a board member of the American Cancer Society, Northern Ohio Children’s Performing Music Foundation, Inc., and acted as a fellow at Brandeis University. He also spent much of his retirement with his family playing tennis, swimming, and travelling. He and his wife Shirley celebrated their 60th wedding anniversary in 2006, before his health began to decline.
He died at his family home in Aventury, Florida, on March 12, 2008. He was interred in Mayfield Cemetery in Cleveland Heights, Ohio.
Diemer, Tom, Fighting the Unbeatable Foe: Howard Metzenbaum of Ohio, the Washington Years (Kent: Kent State University Press, 2008)
Last Modified: 24 Jul 2012 10:40:15 AM
Playhouse Square Documentaries
Documentary #1
More Than Just a Show – a Playhouse Square story
A mini-documentary about the history and community impact of the not-for-profit PlayhouseSquare, plus a glimpse behind the scenes at its places and people.
The link is here
Documentary #2
Playhouse Square Documentary
A short charming documentary made by Cleveland State students about the Playhouse Square theaters
The link is here
Interview with George Forbes by Mike Roberts Inside Business July 2007 Issue
Interview with George Forbes by Mike Roberts Inside Business July 2007 Issue
Back to the Future
Issue: July 2007 Issue
Interview With George Forbes 2011 – Benjamin Rose Foundation
Interview with George Forbes done in 2011 by the Benjamin Rose Foundation
CIVIC LEADER
Interview Date: June 2011
On a sunny late spring afternoon, in the living room of his University Circle home, George Forbes, fit and trim as he enters his ninth decade, shared his thoughts and feelings about what it was like growing up in the South before the Civil Rights Movement, and how his childhood experiences shaped his world view and political career; what working as a Cleveland teacher and postal worker taught him about politics before he was elected to Cleveland City Council in 1964; and what life has been like — busy, challenging, rewarding — since he left City Hall more than 20 years ago.
When and where were you born and where are you in the sibling line-up?
I was born April 4, 1931 in Memphis, Tennessee. My parents had nine children. The youngest child died when she was two years old and I was the next in line, so I virtually grew up as the youngest child.
What did your parents do?
My father worked for a Proctor and Gamble Company in Memphis, the Buckeye Cotton and Oil Company. They took cotton seeds and reduced them to oil, making linseed oil. On the side, he farmed. And since there were 8 of us children, we farmed, too.
We planted cotton and corn and in the fall we never went back to school when it started in September. We never went until November, when all the crops were laid by…and none of us ever failed a grade. The teachers made sure that we made up the time and the lessons that we had missed.
My mother raised eight children and worked as a domestic in the homes of wealthy Southern Whites, sometimes, too. When she’d come home, with eight kids we ate out of tin plates, but she insisted that we use the right utensils and cut our food properly and know the social graces.
You grew up — came of age — during World War II. How do you think it shaped the person you are today? Or did it?
During the war, my brother went into the service and my sisters’ husbands went into the service, but it really didn’t affect me. I was affected the same way most teens were: We knew who Hitler was and we knew he was bad and we had to win the war.
My real coming of age came from what I was seeing and experiencing in the Black community.
The darker you were, the lower on the totem pole you were, which led to inequities and disparities within the community itself, and I didn’t want to be a part of that.
When I was 13, I worked as a short-order cook at one of the hotels in Memphis. I’d go to work at two o’clock and work till 11, a full shift. And then I’d take the last streetcar home. When it stopped at the corner where the jail was, all these people with bandages on their heads and arms come out and get on the streetcar. That was what I was seeing and experiencing, too. And it was also something I didn’t want to be part of.
When you rode the bus, you never thought about the fact that you paid the same fare, but that you walked to the back for a seat. When a Black woman went to a department store, she couldn’t try on a hat, she just bought it. At restaurants there was a counter for Black people and White people. If there wasn’t a seat in the Black section, you just had to stand around and wait till one came up.
When I was in high school, I wanted to be a lawyer, and there was a case being tried of a young Black man who’d been charged with murder, and I went to the courthouse to the trial. I was the only Black there, and I sat in the section for Blacks during the trial. When I had to go to the bathroom I went into the [Black’s] bathroom and while I was standing at the urinal the sheriff came in — I knew him — and he asked me: ‘What are you doing here?’ And when I told him I’d come to hear and see the trial he told me to leave. He ran me out of the bathroom.
But what I want to make clear here is that at that time, those things weren’t considered indignities, they were considered normal, par for the course. That’s the reason the teachers at my high school, which was segregated, were always telling us: ‘When you finish school, go North.’ And that’s exactly what I did.
When did you move to Cleveland, then?
I moved here when I finished high school in 1949, but I’d come up to Cleveland to live with a brother and work the summer of 1948. I worked at a place in the Flats called Cleaners’ Hangers. They made clothes hangers and my job was to take the wire hangers off the line and put them in an oven to bake on the finish line. That was the first time I’d ever worked in a factory.
Where did you go to high school, then?
I went to Manassas High School, one of the two Black high school’s in Memphis. I didn’t know anything about mixing with White people until I went into the service. And I was never in a class with a White person until I went to Baldwin-Wallace College in 1954.
In school, what were you good at…and not so good at?
I was in a group of young Black men, called the Speaker’s and Writers’ Club. At school our teachers encouraged us to do our best. No, they demanded it. And they didn’t allow any foolishness. You buckled down and did what you were supposed to and were capable of…so that you’d be prepared for the world.
Even then, I knew I wanted to be a lawyer, even though there were no Black lawyers in Memphis at that time, so I was doing a lot of writing and acting and oral presentations. I really liked things like history and English and the arts. I was OK in math, but I dodged chemistry and physics, even in college.
You went into the Marines after high school, serving during the Korean War. Where were you stationed and what did you do in the Marines?
I was in Cleveland when I was drafted into the Marines, so I had to go back to Memphis for the induction and processing. I did basic training at Paris Island, South Carolina, and that was the first time I really felt like a man. The instructors were tough — very tough. They knocked you down and they didn’t discriminate: they were equally tough on Whites and Blacks, and I’d never seen Whites get the same kind of treatment Blacks got. Now I realize that they were tough on all of us because they wanted to turn us into Marines, so in combat we’d survive.
When I left Paris Island, I went to the Third Marine Air Base in Opa Locka near Miami. I’d cooked in hotels and I went to the chaplain and told him that I knew how to cook, and he called the commander and pretty soon I was a cook. And that’s what I did the whole time I was in the Marines. Later I was transferred to Quantico [Virginia] and was there till I was discharged.
When you got out of the Marines, you went to Baldwin-Wallace on the GI Bill. Were you still planning on being a lawyer?
No. I got out of the Marines in 1953 and started there in 1954. And when I started I was thinking about being a minister. And Baldwin-Wallace was a good choice for that: It was founded by Methodists.
But my first year I had an Old Testament teacher who was a racist: there really is no other way to describe him. To me there was an inconsistency in his teaching of the Bible and his personal actions and I shied away from the ministry. And, since being a lawyer had always been in the back of my mind, that’s when I decided to become a lawyer.
There was an instructor there, Themistocles Rodis, who taught history and political science, and since I was one of the older students there — going on the GI Bill — we became more than just teacher and student, we became friends. He’s one of the people responsible for me becoming a lawyer.
When I read in the paper — maybe three years ago — that he’d died, I went to his funeral. His wife and kids remembered me.
While you were going to law school, you taught in Cleveland. What did you teach and where did you teach?
When I graduated from college in 1957, I started at Cleveland-Marshall Law School at Cleveland State. I was married and we had a child, so I needed to make a living while I was going to law school, so I got my teaching certificate in social studies and became a substitute teacher in Cleveland, but my real job security was at the post office. They arranged my schedule so that I was able to work 40 hours a week — days and weekends — and go to law school nights.
[Laughs] Don’t ask me how I did it — subbing, going to school and the full-time job at the post office. It was a juggle.
What did you learn teaching and at the post office that you took with you into the political arena?
From teaching, I realized that the system had to be more responsive to the needs of kids, and Black kids in particular, and the communities, too. The problems were starting to germinate when I was working in the system and I could see them first hand, not just because I was substitute teaching, but on a personal level, too. My oldest daughter, when she started school, went to school only half a day and she had to go to school in the basement of a church. I knew there had to be a change in the system.
From the post office, I learned about job discrimination. Educated Black men couldn’t get jobs in the corporate sector in Cleveland — at Lincoln Electric, Thompson Products, places like that — so they ended up at the post office…[S]ome of the smartest guys in Cleveland, educated at some of the best schools in the US, ended up driving trucks and sorting mail at the post office because there was no place for them — for us — in the corporate sector. I never forgot that.
You were elected to City Council in 1963. How did that come about? In other words, who were you running against, why did you run, what were you running ‘for’, and what were you running ‘against’?
You are taking me back almost 50 years. And I’m going to answer you in a roundabout way.
In Memphis, Blacks could always vote, and my parents always voted, but they voted for whom they were told to vote. Boss Crump’s machine ran Memphis. You’d see him, in his white straw hat, walking the streets.
When I was at college, I was president of the Young Dems, and I’d been politically active, for years. When I was in law school and my wife and I moved to the 27 th Ward [now part of Ward 9], I and my brother became active in the Ward Club. That was when Bill Sweeney was the councilman.
When the ward’s demographics began to change, Bill, who was White, decided not to run, so I said I’d run because it was a chance to become actively involved in the affairs of the City of Cleveland. There were seven or eight other people running, but the strongest candidate was Anna Brown, a very qualified lady who was a Republican and later, under Ralph Perk, became head of Cleveland’s Department on Aging. But she was a Republican, running in a predominantly Democratic ward. I won and went down to City Hall.
What were you running ‘for’ and ‘against’ in that first election?
I was running ‘for’ the chance to make a difference and to preserve the neighborhood, which at that time was a very middle-class neighborhood. I was young and enthusiastic and married and had a child. Their vote was my opportunity to go out and serve.
Most politicians have a mentor, someone who saw their abilities and their passion and nurtured them along. Who was your mentor?
That’s something I’m seldom asked, and there were two.
When I went into City Hall, Charlie Carr was the Majority Leader in Council and a very wise man. He came from Texas and just hated discrimination and he guided me in when to talk and when to keep my mouth closed. He was a really good strategist.
The other was James Davis, a firm Republican who came from Iowa. He was the President of the Growth Association and also managing partner at Squire, Sanders and Dempsey…For some reason we hit it off and he showed me the other side of [Republicanism]. We’d have lunch once or twice a month — me, this young, Black lawyer-politician out of the South — and he showed me that politics doesn’t create jobs, that politicians create opportunity and the atmosphere for jobs. He’d listen to me and ideas that I had and then he’d tell me — he was much older than I —what would work and what wouldn’t.
In my years in Council, I combined philosophies about economic growth with the practical political astuteness of Charlie Carr. [Sighs] Both have been gone a long time.
In 1971, you founded Cleveland’s first Black-owned law firm. What led you to do that?
Up till then, Blacks were mostly practicing out in the neighborhoods — I had an office at 123 rd and St. Clair — as one-or-two person offices. Clarence Gaines, a councilman along with me, and Clarence Rodgers, who was a federal prosecutor, and Earl Horton, another lawyer, got together one day and, because we were friends, we got to talking about starting a law firm. We decided to take the office furniture, and the staff we had, and rent offices downtown and see if we could make it work. Our first office was in the Marion Building, at 1276 W. 3 rd , right across from the Justice Center. And we did alright.
Eventually my daughter [Helen Fields] came into the firm with me and Earl, that was at least 25 years ago, and later on, so did her husband, a bond lawyer. Now we are Forbes, Fields, and Associates. I’d say that half the work we do now is bond related.
In your 20s and 30s, you were incredibly busy, and involved in a lot of things that didn’t leave you much time for socializing. So when did you meet your wife, Mary, and when did you marry?
We met when I was in college at Baldwin-Wallace. She’d finished school already and was a social worker working with children. In my last year, we married — that was 1957 — and we’ve been married for 54 years. We had three girls: two are lawyers and one is a social worker, like her mother.
Having a social worker for a wife is a tremendous advantage for a politician, in terms of knowing the social issues impacting the community. Did your wife every get interested in politics?
Not really. We kept things separate. I didn’t mix the family and politics. And that was partly due to my wife’s personality. She’s a very low-key lady.
And, when I came home from work, I left the work at the door. We never talked about politics or work-related things at home…And I think that’s part of my mental success, that I didn’t bring the frustrations of City Hall home with me, that when I came home I was husband and dad and we’d do family things, go out to eat, go to the circus.
You spent almost 30 years immersed in Cleveland politics — from the early 1960s till you lost the election for mayor in 1989— then you pretty much dropped out of election-based politics. Looking back, what are the accomplishments you are most proud of during your years on Cleveland’s City Council?
In anticipation of this interview, I asked myself, did I make a difference?
And the answer is yes, I did. And that’s the thing I think about when I tally the sheets and get all the crazy stuff —the throwing books and all — out of the way. When you boil things down to their essence, that’s it: I made a difference.
I was reading the [ Plain Dealer ] one Sunday morning and there was an article in it about the 50 most important people in the history of the City of Cleveland. And there was my name.
It wasn’t a list compiled by reporters; it was compiled by civic leaders and city historians. And I could not believe my name was there, but when I saw it, I knew I’d made a difference, that I hadn’t neglected the things that I’d set out to do: to make sure that the poor and the Black were included in the progress of the City of Cleveland.
I know I’ve done other things, but with regard to making a difference — a positive difference — I accomplished what was always the foremost thing in my mind.
You have always been a controversial figure. How do you thing that helped your career and how do you think it hurt it?
Go back to what you just asked me. Was what I did unorthodox a lot of the time? Yes. But I don’t think, over-all that I was penalized because of the controversy.
In those times it was necessary if you were going to move things off-center, if you were going to move things forward, if you were going to move [the city] in the direction we needed to go…forward, not backward into the past.
With regard to your political career, what’s the one thing you’d do differently if you could have a do-over?
[Laughs] We like to think we haven’t done anything that needs a do-over…but, I probably could have toned down the language I’ve used. It was offensive to some people. But it was offensive because I wanted to be effective.
Today, I probably wouldn’t use that kind of forceful language — as much. But I realized, from my days substitute teaching, that you can’t get through to people unless they are listening to you. You have to have their attention. And a lot of the language I used was to get peoples’ attention. But, as I look back, I probably could have done that — or most of it — another way.
In 2007, The Plain Dealer published that article saying you were one of the 50 most influential people in Cleveland’s history. Yet few people realize the huge impact you have had on Cleveland. Why do you think that is?
I think part of it is that things happened over time, the impact was cumulative, year-to-year, term-to-term, working with different mayors. And the media coverage of things changed, too. When I came to Cleveland, there were three papers in Cleveland: The Plain Dealer, The Cleveland Press and The Cleveland News. Now there is just one, and fewer people are reading it. But the main reason, I think, is that people don’t live in the past. And I don’t either. I’ve probably been to City Hall three times since I left.
You effectively “retired” from Cleveland politics after the 1989 mayoral race, which you lost to Michael White. However, I suspect that without missing a beat, you became involved in other “civic” activities. So, what have you been doing for the City of Cleveland since you left “politics?”
One of the things, obviously, is that I became involved in NAACP. And making sure that minority rights are protected has kept me busy. And when I left City Hall, I taught at Baldwin-Wallace for 10 years. That was, frankly, one of the most rewarding things I’ve ever done.
And I’m still actively involved in putting people together to discuss the social and economic issues that are impacting the city. Last year the Speaker of the [Ohio] House asked me to arrange a meeting with Black leaders, so I helped set up a meeting with about 50 local leaders at Karamu.
[Laughs] But, you know, I just turned 80, so I’m not as active at it as I used to be.
And speaking of being 80, and all the things you are doing, where does the energy come from?
Well, one place it comes from is that I’m no longer full-time at the office. About two years ago, I went into the office one day and I told my daughter: I don’t want to do this anymore. And I really didn’t.
Since then, while I’ve been doing some advising at the office, I’ve been focusing on NAACP and community-related things. [Pointing at the nearby phone that had rung constantly during our interview] I’m busy doing things that matter, that count, that keep me going.
But the question is still, where does the energy come from?
[Laughs] Good genes! Both my parents passed away in their 80s.
But that’s just part of it. There’s attitude, too. I’ve always wanted be up and doing and going and participating in what’s going on around me. I’ve always wanted to be on the train, not watching it pass by.
You have been, and still are, in good physical shape. What did you do in the past, and what are you doing now, to stay physically, and mentally, fit?
Well, there are those good genes. But, I’ve always been a walker especially around the neighborhood and I like doing the treadmill at the health club, too — but I’ve come down with vertigo and I fell a couple of times last winter. With medication’s I’m controlling the problem, and I’ve made some adaptations in how I do things, so I’m still walking.
When we were in Florida I walked two miles every day, and not playing golf. I’d go up to the supermarket, buy the New York Times and I’d take my walking stick and walk a mile one way and then turn around and come back. I used the walking stick for balance. Now that I’m home, I’ll be starting back at the health club.
What about diet?
For me, food’s never really been an issue, but I also have a wife and three daughters who raise a ruckus if I even mention fried chicken, so, if I stay off the cookies and ice cream, I’m in good shape there.
MythBusters is all about successful aging. But everyone’s definition of what that is differs, so what’s your definition of successful aging?
I’ve never thought about aging, much less successful aging, till recently. But I’ve come to realize that it’s a process. And I’ve also realized that the “aging club” is a “club” that a lot of people don’t get to join. At 80, I’m fortunate to be a member of a very select group of people. So, to me, successful aging means that I am not just “busy,” it means I’m engaged and continuing my life’s work and that I’m accomplishing things. And one thing I’ve come to realized as I’ve thought about this is that helping others is part of the process of successful aging. That’s why, when the phone rings here, I pick it up.
Getting older is what it is and I don’t try to act 60 or 70 because I don’t view aging as a disadvantage, I view it as an advantage because of the experience it brings with it. That is an asset, another state and stage of life for me to take advantage of. Oh, I recognize that I’m not as mentally sharp or as physically robust as I once was, but I also recognize that I’m aging successfully — because I’m adaptable — and I’m making it work for me.
What do you think people who read this profile should be doing, on a daily basis, to age successfully?
Don’t resist aging. Don’t fight it, embrace where and who you are at this stage of life…and enjoy the beauty of it.
Louis Stokes Interview
Louis Stokes Featured on “The American Dreams” show
Remembering Ray Shepardson: Playhouse Square savior hailed as a visionary (Plain Dealer 6/24/14)
DEATH OF A SALESMAN
- Remembering Ray Shepardson: Playhouse Square savior hailed as a visionary (gallery)
- Playhouse Square hosts celebration of Ray Shepardson’s life and legacy
- Ray Shepardson’s life, work and death: Join our online chat Friday at noon
- Ray Shepardson’s life, work and death: Join our online chat Friday at noon
- For Ray Shepardson’s survivors, ‘everything went quiet’: Death of a Salesman (Part Five)
- Ray Shepardson, on camera and ready to jump: Death of a Salesman (Part Four)
- Ray Shepardson’s destructive obsession with an Illinois theater: Death of a Salesman (Part Three)
- Ray Shepardson’s rocky love affair with Cleveland: Death of a Salesman (Part Two)
- Resources for preventing and coping with suicide
- Ray Shepardson narrates his last day on Earth: Death of a Salesman (Part One)
CLEVELAND, Ohio — That a man who devoted himself to bringing life to dilapidated theaters and forgotten corners of American cities took his own life in April at the age of 70 is a tragic irony worthy of the stage.
But the memorial for preservationist and visionary Ray Shepardson at the State Theatre was hardly a tragic affair. It had the joy, passion and emotional realness of a truly great performance. A nutshell review? On a rainy Tuesday afternoon, Playhouse Square put on a helluva show for a great showman.
Before the program began, some 300 people hugged and reminisced in the State lobby, the very spot where Shepardson and a group of “urban warriors” — as Oliver “Pudge” Henkel, one of the architects of the revitalization of Playhouse Square dubbed them — made history by putting on a play.
“Jacques Brel Is Alive and Well and Living in Paris,” a musical revue featuring songs by Belgian songwriter Jacques Brel, opened in 1973. It was Shepardson’s brainchild, a scheme to keep the wrecking ball at bay, the one that was scheduled to turn the State and the Ohio, glorious theatrical “temples,” as he called them, into a parking lot.
Shepardson hoped the cabaret would last a few weeks; it did that and more, clocking a remarkable 522 performances over two and a half years, the longest-running musical in Cleveland history.
Suddenly audiences were flooding downtown, a place people boasted they hadn’t visited in 15 to 20 years, recalled Elaine “Lainie” Hadden, then the incoming president of the Junior League of Cleveland and an early convert to Shepardson’s impossible dream: to save the State, the Ohio and other grand theaters in Playhouse Square from demolition and rescue a once-bustling part of the city from rats and ruin.
“There is a story here,” said Art Falco, president and CEO of Playhouse Square. “And the story is, one person can make a difference. And that person is Ray.”
On the State Theatre stage, Falco and other speakers sat at red-draped cabaret tables — an homage to the ones Shepardson jammed into the lobby to accommodate crowds of up to 400 clamoring to see that little revue. They took the podium one by one to share memories of Shepardson, a farm kid from Seattle who came to Northeast Ohio to work as an administrator for Cleveland schools. Looking for a venue for a meeting, he stumbled onto the showplaces gone to seed.
Henkel, then a young Jones Day lawyer who convinced Cleveland city officials to forestall demolition plans, remembered his old friend as a master of ingenuity. To cool actors dissolving in pools of sweat in the un-air-conditioned State lobby in the summer of ’73, Shepardson strategically positioned buckets of dry ice in the cavernous space and hit them with fans to create a chilly, do-it-yourself breeze.
In raucous, heartfelt tale after tale, friends and colleagues used words like “genius,” “colossus” and “giant” to describe Shepardson and the legacy he left Cleveland and other towns.
Without formal training in the arts, architecture or urban planning, he carved out a specialty, becoming “the world expert on theater restoration,” said close friend and theater director Joe Garry, traveling the country “like Johnny Appleseed,” rescuing 40 theaters across the United States.
“He really was teaching himself as he went along,” said Garry, the former Cleveland State University professor whom Shepardson tapped to direct “Jacques Brel.”
“Ray,” he added, gave up a good job at Cleveland schools to pursue his quixotic vision, “living off the popcorn sales in the lobby.”
He wasn’t a Byronic dreamer but a hands-on doer, shoving pots and pans under leaks in the State Theatre roof to preserve the plaster.
Others recalling the audacious and unstoppable Sherpardson were former Plain Dealer columnist Dick Feagler — “he isn’t gone, and he ain’t never gonna be gone, unless they turn this place into a parking lot,” a shooting offense quipped the newspaper legend — and Dennis Kucinich, via video.
“Though he’s stepped off the stage of life,” Kucinich said, “the applause for him will continue for years to come.”
Though the speeches were moving, none was more poignant than the last, delivered by Bill Shepardson, Ray’s son.
He fought tears and struggled to talk as family pictures flashed behind him on a massive screen: Bill as a boy on his father’s lap; Bill, all grown up and sitting at a bar, Ray beside him, pursing his lips in an exaggerated kiss, about to lay a smacker on his son.
Ray didn’t just bring the magic of theater to Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago and a host of other metropolises where he salvaged old vaudeville halls and grand movie palaces. He took his boy to shows at the places he saved. Bill hung out backstage with Bill Cosby. Marie Osmond once serenaded him in front of a sold-out house.
“I thought every kid got to explore abandoned theaters and climb scaffolding 100 feet in the air.”
He asked that those gathered remember his father not with a moment of silence but with cheers. As he left the lights of the podium, the crowd leaped to its feet and roared.