Poles of Cleveland from the Encyclopedia of Cleveland History

From the Encyclopedia of Cleveland written by John J. Grabowski

The link is here

 

POLES. Poles formed one of Cleveland’s largest nationality groups in the 20th century and had an important influence on the city, particularly during its period of heavy industrial growth. Individuals may have visited or temporarily settled in the area before the Civil War, but the first cohesive settlement of Poles occurred in BEREA in the late 1860s, where they were employed in the stone quarries. At about this time, isolated groups of Poles arrived in Cleveland; 77 were counted in the 1870 census. The Cleveland Poles did not form a specific neighborhood at this time but settled within the Czech community around Croton St. Several factors subsequently increased Polish migration to Cleveland, especially German cultural pressures in Prussian Poland and poverty and repression in Russian Poland. Combined with relatively safe and inexpensive ocean transport and the need for workers in Cleveland’s rapidly growing industries, the city’s Polish population grew to 35,024 by 1920, with most growth occurring between 1900-14. Travel brokers in the city’s Polish neighborhoods, such as MICHAEL KNIOLA†, made all necessary arrangements for transporting people from Poland to relatives already in Cleveland. All immigration after World War I was inconsequential, so this great pre-World War I influx determined the neighborhoods and organizations of Cleveland’s Poles.

Distinct Polish neighborhoods began forming by the late 1870s as immigrants worked in specific industries and lived nearby. By the late 1870s, a number of Poles worked in Cleveland Rolling Mills inNEWBURGH. Although initially residing with Czechs, Poles eventually created their own settlement adjacent to Tod (E. 65th) St. and what became Fleet Ave.; influenced as much by its proximity to the mills as by their selection of a site at Tod and Forman Ave. for their church, ST. STANISLAUS CHURCH. With construction of a church building in 1881, the settlement, soon known as Warszawa, began a period of growth that continued into the 1920s and remained viable into the 1990s, when it was known as SLAVIC VILLAGE/BROADWAY. By the late 1880s, another Polish settlement, Poznan, was established around E. 79th St. and Superior Ave. Settled as early as 1878, this neighborhood was close to industries that stretched along the railroad lines on the lakefront to the north. A third major settlement, Kantowo, arose in theTREMONT area in the late 1880s and 1890s as steel-mill activity grew in the Cuyahoga valley immediately eastward. By World War I, several smaller neighborhoods were also settled: Josephatowo in the late 1890s near E. 33rd St. and St. Clair Ave., close to Otis Steel works; Barbarowo after 1900 at Denison Ave., near GRASSELLI CHEMICAL CO.; and along Madison Ave. in the early 1890s, settling with other groups, including SLOVAKS, near NATIONAL CARBON CO.

Though the immigrants began a number of small enterprises to serve their neighborhoods–by 1900 there were 32 Polish grocery stores and 67 saloons in Cleveland–the economic base of each neighborhood was strongly linked to its adjacent industry. Indeed, the first CLEVELAND ROLLING MILL STRIKES in 1882 was responsible for a sizable growth in the area’s Polish population, as immigrants were recruited in New York to break the strike. By 1919 Poles constituted over 50% of the workforce of U.S. STEEL CORP. American Steel & Wire Div. (formerly the Rolling Mills). Other enterprises in the Warszawa area employing many Poles included Kaynee Blouse Co., CLEVELAND WORSTED MILL CO. and Grabler Mfg. Co. Until the coming of age of the 2nd and, primarily, 3rd generations, Cleveland’s Poles were largely linked to heavy industry and labor; the entrepreneurial ventures founded were directed toward fellow Poles, not to the community at large.

The Roman Catholic church proved the cultural center of each neighborhood. St. Stanislaus (est. 1873) was the mother parish for Cleveland Poles. Serving Warszawa, it was the basis for 2 other congregations, Sacred Heart of Jesus (1889) and St. Hyacinth (1907). St. John Cantius (1897) served, and gave its name to, the Kantowo region, and St. Casimir (1893) served Poznan. Other parishes were St. Hedwig (1914) inLAKEWOOD; St. Barbara (1905), after which the Barbarowo neighborhood was named; and St. Josaphat (1908), after which Josephatowo was named. As Poles migrated to the suburbs, nationality parishes were established there. St. Mary of Czestochowa (1914) served Poles in the Corlett area around E. 131st and Harvard; SS. Peter & Paul (1925) served the growing GARFIELD HEIGHTS Polish population; and Corpus Christi (1936) at Biddulph and Pearl Rds. served Poles migrating to that area.

Because of the importance of the church, it was often the center of controversy, as priests assumed great influence and often came into conflict with diocesan authorities. Indeed, the major internal conflict in Cleveland’s Polish community came about when Fr. ANTON F. KOLASZEWSKI† was removed from St. Stanislaus parish by the diocese in 1892. Though the exact charges against Kolaszewski are still unclear, it is apparent that his enormous expenditures to construct a new church created a debt that alienated many of his parishioners, as well as the bishop. Sent to Syracuse, NY, Kolaszewski returned to Cleveland in 1894 at the request of some his former parishioners and established IMMACULATE HEART OF MARY PARISH. Having defied diocesan authority, he and the parish members were excommunicated; they were received back into the church and diocese only after Kolaszewski resigned his pastorate in 1908. The rancor between pro- and anti-Kolaszewski factions in Warszawa was extreme and led to the establishment of separate fraternal organizations and newspapers and influenced the outcome of elections, with its stigma remaining into the 1930s. Continued dissatisfaction with a diocese directed by German and Irish interests eventually led some Cleveland Poles to join the independent POLISH NATIONAL CATHOLIC CHURCH. The first parish, Sacred Heart of Jesus (1914), was established in the Kantowo neighborhood. Eventually 4 additional parishes were established in the city.

Despite the overwhelming influence of the Roman Catholic church, several non-Catholic churches served Cleveland’s Poles, including Trinity Baptist (ca. 1910), eventually located at Broadway and Fullerton. In 1943 its building was sold to the Catholic Diocese and used for Transfiguration Church, the last Polish Roman Catholic parish established in Cleveland. In the 1980s a second Baptist church was begun on E. 59th St., occupying a building that once housed Mizpah Mission Church for Poles and Bohemians, a Congregational body established by Schauffler Missionary Training School in the late 1880s.

Outside of the church, fraternal insurance organizations claimed a large hold on the Polish immigrant neighborhood. The 2 major national fraternals, the Polish Roman Catholic Union and the Polish Natl. Alliance, established their first Cleveland branches by 1880 and 1886, respectively. The former was closely linked to the church, while the latter was more secular and a principal advocate of Polish national independence. While the PRCU often met in church facilities, the PNA constructed meeting halls in each of the 3 major neighborhoods; the one serving Kantowo was the Polish Library Home, housing a notable collection of Polish literature until closing in 1982. Religious factionalism also affected the fraternals. The local UNION OF POLES IN AMERICA began in 1894 as the Polish Roman Catholic Union of the Immaculate Heart of Mary for members of the schismatic Immaculate Heart parish. The ALLIANCE OF POLES OF AMERICA was established in 1895 by Clevelanders unhappy with the Polish Natl. Alliance ‘s decision to admit socialists to membership and its strong ties to Chicago. As many of the early fraternals prohibited membership by women, local Polish women established the ASSOCIATION OF POLISH WOMEN IN THE U.S.A. in the U.S. in 1911; it grew out of the Polish Women’s Alliance.

Poles also established cultural organizations, many of which had ties to the fraternals or to the church. Among the more important were HARMONIA CHOPIN SINGING SOCIETY, a choral group founded in 1902; the Polish Natl. Choir of the Polish Natl. Alliance; and the Halka Singing Society of the Assn. of Polish Women. More than a dozen choral and drama groups were active by the 1920s. The Cleveland Society of Poles, formed in 1923 from a branch of the Polish Natl. Alliance, consisted largely of Polish businessmen. Active into the 1990s, it held annual debutante balls for members’ daughters and donated funds to Polish colleges and organizations dedicated to perpetuating Polish culture. A similar women’s group, the American Polish Women’s Club, was also established in 1923. Of great importance in the community’s history was the SOKOL POLSKI, or Polish Falcons, a national organization fostering Polish nationalism through gymnastics. The local branch, Nest 141, was the base for recruiting Polish volunteers to fight with the Allies in World War I. The nest later became known largely for its athletic program, with Olympic gold medal winner STELLA WALSH† being one of its most prominent members.

The local community peaked in 1930 with a population of 36,668 foreign-born Poles. At that time the city supported 2 Polish-language daily newspapers, WIADOMOSCI CODZIENNE and MONITOR CLEVELANDSKI, the latter a descendant of Polonia w Ameryce, which was the first Polish paper to be published in Cleveland (1892). The community also supported banks and savings and loans, including Warsaw Savings & Loan (1916), Bank of Cleveland (1913), and THIRD FEDERAL SAVINGS AND LOAN ASSN. OF CLEVELAND (1938). Despite the size and apparent prosperity of the community, it was still fragmented and already in decline. Though the St. Stanislaus-Immaculate Heart of Mary rift had largely healed, it was replaced by differences over the political situation in the new Polish state. Poles in Kantowo, largely from Russian Poland, tended to be socialist and supported Marshal Joseph Pilsudski, while residents in Warszawa had supported Ignace Paderewski, the first premier (1919) of independent Poland. Pilsudski became Poland’s minister of war in 1926. The split, reflected in the newspapers, with the Wiadomosci being pro-Pilsudski and the Monitor anti-Pilsudski, stifled attempts to unify Polish organizations or opinion in Cleveland, although a League of Polish Organizations attempted to bridge such differences. Only the German invasion of Poland ended the problem, but a similar problem arose after World War II, with the community divided in its opinion of the Communist Polish state. Such division within the community could be the chief reason for the almost total lack of achievement by Polish politicians beyond the ward level. Although Warszawa has almost always been represented on the city council by someone of Polish background since 1905, no Polish-American has seriously contended for the mayoralty despite the size of the community. Predominantly Democratic in outlook since the Depression, Cleveland’s Polish community has produced only a few notable political figures, most importantly JOSEPH SAWICKI†, elected to the state house in 1906 and to municipal court in the 1920s and 1930s.

By 1930 the community began to wane. With no new immigration, the number of foreign-born Poles declined. Not even the influx of displaced persons after World War II did much to reverse the trend. By 1970 only 6,234 Poles resided in Cleveland. In 1980 the number had risen to 8,323. By the 1990s, Poles were one of the ten largest immigrant groups coming to the U.S., their movement being spurred by economic uncertainty as Poland moved from a command to a free economy. In 1990 the U.S. census estimated that 1,635 Poles resided within Cleveland proper, making them the second largest European immigrant community (following that of the states of the former Yugoslavia) in the city. However, these immigrants were scattered throughout the area. All of the old neighborhoods, except that around Fleet Ave., had severely shrunk or disappeared as 1st-generation immigrants died and their offspring moved away. Indeed, the movement to suburban areas began as early as 1910, when Poles followed the streetcar lines out of Warszawa to the Corlett district. Other streetcar lines and automobiles permitted additional movement into GARFIELD HEIGHTS and areas near PARMA in the 1920s. Halted by the Depression and war, movement began again in the 1950s as the old neighborhoods emptied into Garfield Hts., WARRENSVILLE HEIGHTSMAPLE HEIGHTS, and Parma. Further exacerbating the situation in the old neighborhoods was the decline of the industries around which they had been built. Many the basic industries around Fleet Ave. had closed by the end of the 1960s.

Despite the decline of the pioneer Polish neighborhoods, all of the city’s Polish Catholic churches remained active as of 1995, a testament to the central position of the Roman Catholic church in the culture. However, most of those attending some of the churches came from suburban homes to do so; whether their offspring continue the tradition is very much in doubt, and it is likely that all of the old neighborhoods, except that along Fleet Ave., will have totally disappeared by the next century. The continued life of Warszawa–Slavic Village–cannot, however, depend on the restricted immigration from Poland or upon nearby industrial opportunities; the area’s residents must make their heritage a viable attraction for tourists, middle-income home buyers, and the nostalgic descendants of the area’s founders.

John J. Grabowski

Western Reserve Historical Society


Coulter, Charles W. The Poles of Cleveland (1919).

Grabowski, John J., et al. Polish Americans and Their Communities of Cleveland (1976).

U.S. Works Projects Admin. “The Poles of Cleveland” (unpublished manuscript, 1941, WRHS).

New Lakefront Plan from Cleveland Mayor Frank Jackson Strikes a Tone of Realism – Steve Litt

New lakefront plan from Cleveland Mayor Frank Jackson strikes a tone of realism – Steve Litt, Plain Dealer November 15, 2011

The link is here

CLEVELAND, Ohio — It would be easy to greet Cleveland Mayor Frank Jackson’s new vision for the downtown Cleveland lakefront with skepticism.

After all, it’s the latest of more than half a dozen plans over the past 25 years that contemplated everything from building a floating hotel shaped like the Titanic to reconfiguring miles of shoreline with new islands made of landfill. Despite all the grand visions, the downtown lakefront remains a half-realized dream – and a chronic wasted opportunity.

Granted, a lot has been accomplished. In a burst of action starting in 1995, the city completed a collection of attractions on the shoreline, including the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and Museum, the Great Lakes Science Center and Cleveland Browns Stadium.

But lakefront development has stalled since then, leaving the architectural icons of the 1990s standing isolated amid a barren landscape of parking lots and lifeless streets and parks.

Despite the malaise, there are good reasons to take Jackson’s new plan seriously. Most important is that it isn’t so much a cascade of wildly original ideas as it is a collection of the most logical and sensible concepts for the downtown portion of the lakefront that have surfaced in earlier plans.

This is not to suggest that the designers involved, EE&K of New York and Van Auken Akins of Cleveland, have plagiarized their predecessors.

On the contrary, the designers this time around appear to have arrived at their recommendations independently. This gives all the more credence to their conclusions, the most important of which is that there’s plenty of room for private development and ample public space on the waterfront.

In fact, the numbers sound impressive. The designers believe there’s ample space for 3.5 million square feet of development on 55 acres of waterfront land along two linear miles of shoreline that weave in and out from Dock 28 north of the stadium to the west end of Burke Lakefront Airport.

The plan also includes miles of bike paths connecting the waterfront to the downtown core and roughly two miles of public promenades on the water’s edge. Public spaces of high quality could be woven throughout three distinct waterfront zones from the Port of Cleveland to Burke.

All of this is good news, because it means the city could finally realize a greater degree of private-sector payback from the massive public investments lavished on the shoreline attractions in the ’90s.

What’s different about the new plan is that the city and the Cleveland-Cuyahoga County Port Authority have clarified the ownership and management of key parcels around the harbor, which could facilitate development.

In addition, the new plan is emerging amid a greater sense of certainty about what’s possible, and what’s not possible, on the lakefront.

The port, which had contemplated moving its downtown cargo operations east to East 55th Street, has decided to stay put on the lakefront acres west of the stadium. This settles, for now, one of the biggest questions affecting waterfront development by limiting

possibilities and allowing the city to focus first on the strong opportunities around North Coast Harbor.

Also, Jackson has come down firmly against the idea of closing Burke Lakefront Airport and either turning it into a park or a vast real estate development.

That position also makes sense. With millions of square feet of vacant office space in the core of downtown, it doesn’t seem like the best time to open up a huge new area for development along the lakefront at Burke.

It makes more sense, instead, to capitalize on the investments already made in the ’90s, such as the Rock Hall.

In many ways, Jackson’s plan represents a continuation of the ambitious lakefront plan completed in 2005 by his predecessor, Jane Campbell.

But while the Campbell plan provided an important framework for future decision-making about all nine miles of city lakefront, it was less specific about how to get things started in discrete locations.

Under the new plan, Jackson has a more plausible road map about how to get started and keep moving on the downtown waterfront.

Small but important pieces of the new vision have a decent chance of happening within three to five years, either because the projects are already funded with federal money or could attract private investment.

These include a pedestrian bridge at North Coast Harbor designed by Boston architect Miguel Rosales (another legacy of the Campbell plan), a pair of waterfront restaurants, more on-street parking on the East Ninth Street Pier and a marina for pleasure boats north of the Rock Hall.

If those elements come into being relatively soon, the city could create a sense of forward motion around the Rock Hall, which could attract bigger pieces of proposed development, such as office complexes proposed for chunks of land west and east of North Coast Harbor.

To be sure, obstacles exist. One is that the city simply doesn’t have tens of millions of dollars to pour into the infrastructure needed to trigger large-scale development on the

waterfront. It’s counting on the federal government for an $80 million grant to pay for transportation improvements at the port and for a pedestrian bridge from the north end of Mall C to North Coast Harbor and the Rock Hall.

Chris Warren, Jackson’s chief of regional development, described the process of winning such a grant as “enormously competitive,” which sounds daunting.

But other parts of the plan sound eminently doable, such as creating new parking spaces on the East Ninth Street Pier as a way to make the area more accessible on a casual basis and more like a regular city street.

The computer graphics created by EE&K and Van Auken Akins for Jackson’s lakefront plan look deceptively smooth and polished. The reality is that the plan will take two decades or more to complete and will undoubtedly evolve over time. New plans will probably emerge as the city’s circumstances change.

For now, Jackson’s plan provides a good framework for steps the city can take in the near term. It’s crucial that the mayor and his team deliver on what they’ve envisioned. If they can’t, the city’s lakefront will continue to stay frozen, largely as it was at beginning of the last decade.

Mayor Frank Jackson Tries to Change History with Lakefront Plan – Plain Dealer

Mayor Frank Jackson tries to change history with lakefront plan – Plain Dealer November 15, 2011

The link is here

port-authority-lakefront-plans-looking-west.JPG
Cleveland’s lakefront is getting new attention from Mayor Frank Jackson.

CLEVELAND, Ohio — The development of Cleveland’s lakefront is a century-old story of piecemeal action and broken promises, but Mayor Frank Jackson thinks he has strategy that could put all that in the past.

Jackson presented a plan(pdf) Monday for developing the downtown waterfront from the Port of Cleveland to Burke Lakefront Airport. Drawings show 90 acres laced with offices, restaurants, shops and marinas. (Read the earlier version of this story.)

The plan, drafted by EE&K architects of New York and Van Auken Akins Architects of Cleveland, could unfold over many years and eventually reach $2 billion in value. Most of the money is expected to come from the private sector.

Skepticism came quickly at the City Hall news conference, not only from reporters but from John Onacila, a 67-year-old boater who lives on the city’s West Side. From the rear of the room, he listened as proponents declared this plan to be The One.

“I’ve heard that before,” Onacila whispered.

But Jackson and others say the latest vision can become reality because it has the backing of the Cleveland-Cuyahoga County Port Authority, the Cleveland Browns and other lakefront interests and answers two lingering questions.

Will the port move? Will the airport close? In both cases the answer is no.

Another key is a series of ordinances, given to the council Monday night, that make clear which sections of the development area the city will control, and which will be managed by the Browns or the port authority.

Council President Martin J. Sweeney said the council should pass the legislation by February. He and downtown Councilman Joe Cimperman said they are excited about seeing mixed-use waterfront development become a reality.

“I think it’s a real shot at making something happen,” Cimperman said. “There’s going to be such a demand for this.”

The city, which owns all of the development area, will lease land to developers, just as it does with the Browns. Chris Warren, Jackson’s chief of regional development, expects some developers to commit to projects within six months, though financing and other hurdles could push construction out two or three years.

A marina for temporary docking and a pedestrian bridge over North Coast Harbor, paid for by the city with grants, will open in 2013. Warren says those projects prove Jackson’s plan is not “pie-in-the-sky.”

When other publicly financed features will arrive is not as certain. The city needs $100 million for other work, including a second pedestrian bridge linking the lakefront to downtown. Cleveland has asked the federal government to pay $80 million of that expense.

Skeptics can be forgiven. A number of grand plans for the lakefront have been floated over the years; Jackson’s is just the latest.

A 1959 plan called for a recreation center with a sports arena and aquarium. In the 1960s and 1970s, proponents pushed for an international jetport five miles offshore, along with new parks, beaches and marinas.

In 2000, then-Mayor Michael R. White proposed a $750 million plan that included a Ferris wheel, children’s museum, band shell, theater complex, aquarium, ferry dock and marina for pleasure boats.

Four years later, his successor, Jane Campbell called for five marinas, five beaches, 3.9 million square feet of office and commercial space and 7,500 housing units. Planners also spoke about building an 18-hole golf course and turning Burke Lakefront Airport into mixed-use development.

Follow Thomas Ott on Twitter @thomasott1

City Flourished Under Golden Rule of Jones – Toledo Blade 12/15/99

CITY FLOURISHED UNDER GOLDEN RULE OF JONES

Blade, The (Toledo, OH) – Wednesday, December 15, 1999
Author: GEORGE J. TANBER BLADE STAFF WRITER

 

In the annals of Toledo’s political history in this century, one man stands out. His name is Samuel Jones

Best remembered by his nickname, Golden Rule, Mr. Jones was Toledo’s 28th mayor beginning in 1897. He won re-election three times but did not live to run again as he became the first mayor to die in office. Such was his popularity that Toledoans lined the city’s streets to view his funeral cortege in July, 1904. 

Mr. Jones is considered one of the founders of the progressive reform movement that emerged at the turn of the last century, elevating Toledo in the process. 

“He dramatized the issue of the whole progressive period on a national scale,” says Dr. Charles Glaab, professor of history at the University of Toledo. “Toledo became one of the centers of the intellectual movement of urban progressivism. Jones had a great deal to do with getting the movement under way at the city level.” 

At the university, Dr. Glaab teaches a course in urban history and gives lectures on Mr. Jones. He co-wrote a book on Toledo history, Gateway to the Great Lakes, that contains a chapter on the former mayor, who also was a successful, innovative businessman. 

Mr. Jones was born in Wales in 1846. His parents, seeking a better life, immigrated to the United States around 1850 with their five children. They ended up in the Black River Valley region of New York state, where Mr. Jones’s father worked as a stone mason and farmer. Young Samuel disdained farming and began working 12-hour days in a sawmill at age 14. His work, an economic necessity for the family, limited his education to less than three years. At 16, Samuel began spending his summers working on a steamer. The mechanical skills learned during a three-year stint aided his later career. 

At 19, he left New York for Pennsylvania’s oil fields, where he found limited success. He went back to New York, but returned to Pennsylvania at 22. After saving several hundred dollars, he began buying oil leases, earning a decent living. Mr. Jones married and fathered three children. The family moved around Pennsylvania, following the oil strikes. 

A pair of catastrophic events changed Mr. Jones’s life. His 2-year-old daughter, Eva Belle, died in 1881. Four years later he lost his beloved wife, Alma. The losses sent Samuel Jones into a year-long funk. Finally, in 1886, on the advice of family and friends, Mr. Jones and his two sons moved to the newly opened oil fields around Lima, O. There he drilled the state’s first large well and helped found the Ohio Oil Co., which later was bought by John Rockefeller’s Standard Oil Co. 

During his years in Lima, Mr. Jones became active in the local YMCA and a Methodist church where he met his second wife, Helen Beach, of Toledo. The couple settled in the city in 1892. Meanwhile, Mr. Jones continued drilling for oil, using his mechanical expertise to make valuable improvements to the equipment. In 1894, he secured a patent for an iron pumping rod, known as sucker rods, that aided deep well drilling. He opened a plant in East Toledo and later moved it to Segur Avenue near Field Avenue. 

At the time, Toledo was experiencing unprecedented growth. Its population jumped from 50,000 in 1880 to 81,000 in 1890 to 130,000 in 1900, making it one of the fastest growing cities in the country. Immigrants flooded Toledo to work in the city’s growing glass, bicycle, and foundry industries. Such growth created many problems, most of them costing the city money it did not have. As Dr. Glaab wrote: “Streets need paving, public utilities had to be expanded, more public transportation was required, housing had to be built, and taxes had to be raised.” 

Meanwhile, an economic panic in 1893 threw the country into a depression. In Lucas County, numerous businesses went bankrupt and, according to Dr. Glaab, 7,000 paupers resided in Lucas County and the city of Toledo was $7 million in debt. At the same time, the city’s location on Lake Erie and its lively port trade festered prostitution, larceny, and other forms of petty crime. 

Into this environment came Samuel Jones , who had never lived in a large city. He carried with him memories of his poverty-ridden childhood and a morality gained from his faith. 

Free-lance writer Elaine Court wrote in a Blade profile of Mr. Jones: “[He was] a Christian who rejected the gospel of wealth in favor of the social gospel. [He] envisioned cities and business not as traps for the working man, but as the new frontier on which to build economic and political democracy. [He] knew the discouragement of the unemployed and underpaid and determined to do something about it for his employees.” 

Although the going wage at the time was $1 to $1.50 a day, Mr. Jones paid his employees $1.50 to $2 a day at his factory, the Acme Sucker Rod Co. All employees received one week of paid vacation after six months on the job, and he reduced their workday from 12 to eight hours – radical decisions for the time. 

Even more astounding, Mr. Jones developed a revenue-sharing program for his workers, provided health insurance, and subsidized hot meals in the Acme cafeteria. 

Unlike other companies, which had a long list of regulations and requirements for their employees, Samuel Jones posted only one rule on his company’s notice board. 

The golden rule: Do unto others as you would do unto yourself. 

As his company prospered, Mr. Jones expanded his goodwill. Next to the factory he built Golden Rule Park, where his employees could exercise or relax, where invited guests with similar philosophies could speak, and where the employee ensemble, the Golden Rule Band, could entertain. 

In time it became clear that Mr. Jones was using Acme as a model for social change, and that he would soon apply his method to city politics. 

In 1897, as a political unknown, he emerged from a deadlocked Republican Party convention as the group’s choice to run for mayor. He beat Democrat Parks Hone by 518 votes out of 20,164 cast. 

According to Dr. Glaab and his co-author, Morgan Barclay, the form of city government at the time was based on an old state law that called for a two-house assembly, and 14 boards and commissions. With so many decision-makers involved, taking decisive action was a cumbersome process. Nevertheless, as Dr. Glaab and Mr. Barclay wrote, Mr. Jones managed to achieve some measure of success during his first term. He introduced a merit system for police officers and firefighters. As a man who abhorred violence, he won acclaim from national reform leaders for his edict that called for police officers to replace their clubs with canes in an effort to reduce police brutality. 

For the poor, one of his largest concerns, Mr. Jones helped develop a program that gave them food and shelter in exchange for working for the city’s street department. 

Brand Whitlock, a journalist and lawyer who was Mr. Jones’s legal adviser and later became mayor, liked to tell a story underscoring his mentor’s generosity, which Dr. Glaab and Mr. Barclay recounted in their book: 

“[Mr. Jones and Mr. Whitlock] were strolling in downtown Toledo when a stranger asked for 50 cents to obtain lodgings for the night. Mr. Jones reached into his pocket and, finding no change, gave the man a $5 bill and asked him to return the change. Mr. Whitlock said he never expected to see the man again. But as Mr. Whitlock and Mr. Jones continued to talk, the man appeared with the change. The mayor put it in his pocket and the man asked why he had not counted it. Mr. Jones replied: ‘You counted it, didn’t you?’ A faith in mankind – sometimes approaching naivete – became the hallmark of the Jones administration.” 

Mr. Jones formed his unique style of governing by consulting the writings of the period’s major reformers. But he was most influenced by the humanist works of Walt Whitman, Henry Thoreau, and Leo Tolstoy. 

By the next election, in 1899, Mr. Jones had fallen out of favor with the Republican party because conservative members were fed up with his reform policies. He lost the support of the local moral reform group. Although he did not drink, Mr. Jones felt saloons were a good place for workers to gather. And he angered church leaders when he refused to boot prostitutes out of town. 

Lacking party support, Mr. Jones ran as an independent on the slogan “Principle Before Party.” He received 70 per cent of the vote. 

Later that year he ran for governor as an independent. Although he lost, Dr. Glaab and Mr. Barclay note that Mr. Jones somehow carried the Toledo and Cleveland regions. 

One of Mr. Jones’s talents was recruiting bright talent to his administration. Aside from Mr. Whitlock, one of his most accomplished aides turned out to be Sylvanus Jermain, Dr. Glaab said. Mr. Jermain, with Mr. Jones’s support, developed the city’s public park system, expanded the zoological gardens into one of the country’s best, opened Ottawa Park, one of the country’s first public golf courses, and constructed a network of boulevards. 

Mr. Jones aggressively pushed for educational reform, improving conditions and teaching methods in the city’s schools. 

Mr. Jones won again in 1901 and 1903. His last battle, according to Dr. Glaab, involved the city’s street railway company, which wanted to extend its franchise 25 years. Mr. Jones opposed the extension and, furthermore, asked the company to lower its fares to three cents. City council sided with the streetcar company. But much to the delight of angry citizens, who packed council chambers during the decisive vote, Mr. Jones vetoed its decision. He was carried out of city hall by his happy supporters, Dr. Glaab recounted. 

After a brief illness in early summer of 1904, Samuel Jones died at age 57. According to Dr. Glaab and Mr. Barclay, 55,000 people viewed his body as it lie in state. Five thousand people, including thieves and prostitutes, attended his funeral. 

During his lifetime, Mr. Jones achieved great success,but less so in his later years. Although his company continued to prosper, his personal fortune had dwindled from $900,000 to $300,000, surprising family members, according to the free-lance writer Ms. Court. In keeping with his beliefs, Mr. Jones had given much of the money to charities. 

Meanwhile, according to Dr. Glaab, Mr. Jones was rapidly falling out of favor as a politician, and there was no guarantee he would win the next election. 

“In a sense,” Dr. Glaab says, “he was like so many political leaders who became famous. He died at the right time.”

Teaching Cleveland Digital